rightward shift of the ANC, cracks in the alliance and the possibility
of a mass workers’ party [beads, home-based sweatshops and
the rise of black capitalist front men/women] [12.12.01]
middle class use the working class to achieve their own self-interests!
The ‘new’ alliance between the ANC and the NP is not
surprising. They are both capitalist parties and as such have to
dance to his ‘master’s voice’[the tune of the
capitalist class]. There are, however, significant differences between
the rise of a Black Nationalist party [the ANC] to government in
1994 and the rise of the Afrikaner nationalist party [NP] in 1948.
The NP came into government at a time when the world economy was
in the post world war 2 boom. Afrikaner capital was given a stake
in the economy by monopoly capital [hence the rapid growth of Sanlam
– still a major player in SA today]. This was the price imperialism-capitalism
was prepared to pay, for the Afrikaner-led state to control the
working class, for capitalist super-exploitation. The white section
of the population was further co-opted to act as a bulwark of reaction
to crush the black working class. Although white workers were still
exploited, they were bought off by many privileges.
white section of the population developed the highest standard of
living of any group anywhere in the world. In the process the black
middle classes were suppressed as well. The Afrikaner middle classes
blurred the class lines as if the white working class and the middle
class had the same interests. The Afrikaner middle class used the
white workers as the shock troops to suppress the working class
as a whole. Meanwhile the Afrikaner middle class advanced their
own interests. The ANC blurred the class lines through their populism,
as if the aims of the black middle class were the same as that of
the black working class. The Stalinist SACP assisted then and now
with this illusion, which today is encapsulated in the ANC-SACP-COSATU
alliance. The Cosatu members are used as stepping stones for the
advancement of the black middle class who are in the ranks of or
linked to, the ANC.
transition to ‘free capitalist relations’
The form of capitalist control in the post 1948 period was based
on the suppression of the black working- and middle classes. Before
1994, virtual slave capitalist relations existed in the form of
the pass laws; restrictions in freedom of movement; restrictions
in the right to ownership of land and the other means of production;
there were restrictions on political rights, etc. The 1994 transition
was characterized by a change to free capitalist relations. These
obstacles were formally removed, ie scrapped from the statute books.
The driving force for change was the working class and in particular,
the most oppressed section, the black working class. No longer was
the black working class prepared to accept the form of control of
virtual ‘slave capitalism’. The popular front ANC govt
was acceptable to imperialism capitalism as the lesser evil [rather
than risk losing all through a working class revolution].
main ideologue of the so-called National Democratic Revolution (NDR)
was and still is the SACP. According to them it was first necessary
to complete the democratic stage and then embark on the Socialist
stage [the infamous 2-stage theory proposed by Stalinism on a world
scale outside of the Soviet Union]. In the first stage, according
to the SACP, the working class movement should subordinate itself
to the leadership of the ANC, in essence a middle class formation.
The RDP went through several drafts, each time watering down the
democratic aspirations of the working class until a document was
finalized, that was temporarily acceptable to imperialism.
after 1994, GEAR, a thoroughly pro-capitalist document, was adopted
by the ANC. This did not stop the SACP from continuing their support
of the ANC in every possible way. Nowhere in the world has the Stalinist
2-stage thesis ever led to the completing of the bourgeois-democratic
revolution. It has always led to the counter-revolutionary capitalist
forces winning the day. The NDR should mean going up against big
capital [most of the best land is in the hands of the capitalist
class; the housing industry is completely in the clutches of the
banks and other monopolies, etc, etc] On all democratic demands
however, the ANC has sided with big capital and is now steadily
rolling back democratic gains of the masses. [the LRA; detention
laws; privatization; etc].
ANC and the SACP are now an obstacle to the completion of the NDR.
Their perspective of deepening democracy without taking on capital
is shown to be a massive fraud. The past 7 years are living proof
of the validity of the thesis of permanent revolution, put forward
by Trotsky. In essence it says that in colonial or semi-colonial
countries, the bourgeois democratic revolution can only be completed
by the working class in power. No other class is able to complete
the democratic tasks. This means the shattering of the capitalist
state structures and the construction of a proletarian [working
class] state. To give effect to the democratic aspirations of the
working class, means the state going up against capital. Only the
working class in power has the political will and capability to
complete the democratic tasks. By the working class taking power
to itself, means that the revolution then grows over to the struggle
means on the one hand, taking over the commanding heights of the
economy [expropriating the capitalist class] and putting this under
workers’ control. On the other it means a waging of the fight
against imperialism-capitalism on a worldwide scale. This is because
no economy in the world is an island. If anything, the world economy
is much more interconnected than before. There can be no separate
solution for the South African working class and the working classes
in the rest of Southern Africa. The SA economy dominates the entire
Southern African region. The fate of the working classes in Southern
Africa is also interconnected with the fate of the working classes
in the imperialist centres. Imperialism capitalism has kept Africa
as a primary producer and exporter of raw materials and assembler
of knock-down parts. There can be no Socialism on one country, let
alone African solution [this theory was definitively smashed when
the world Stalinist apparatus collapsed in the 1989 period].
immediately raises the question of building a revolutionary Communist
International as part of the process of building a revolutionary
working class party in South Africa.
middle class aims of the ANC is one of the factors accelerating
The transition to 1994 and up until today is in fact the miracle
that the capitalists constantly remind themselves of – that
a revolution was aborted and bourgeois democracy imposed on the
working class. In this process, the middle class aims of the ANC
became more and more clear. The class role of the ANC can be summed
up in GEAR, the government’s economic policy, and in the drive
for ‘Black Economic Empowerment’. The ANC is the local
agent for imperialism and is offered [and accepted] a stake in the
running of the capitalist system. In 1948 the world economy was
expanding, and on the back of the violent suppression of the working
class, there was a massive investment campaign by imperialism-capitalism
into South Africa.
is how secondary industry [manufacturing] was built up and this
was the context for the buying off of the white working class to
play a reactionary role as the local shock troops for imperialism-capitalism.
Currently, the world economy is in decline and the South African
working class has not been defeated. The resource base from which
to buy off a sizeable section of the population does not exist.
It is this tension, which underlies the current problems in the
tripartite alliance. The ANC leaders have thrown their weight 100%
behind imperialism capitalism. Capitalism in decline requires ever-harsher
attacks on the working class. The ANC has been careful initially
in the way these attacks have been carried out as they still are
greatly dependent on a working class support base. These attacks
on the working class create a problem for the Cosatu leaders, who
at least have to show some sort of gains to keep their positions
of leadership. With the limited resources to create a black middle
class, the agenda of the ANC coincides with capital to privatize
state assets as speedily as possible.
This gives a stake in the system to the aspirant black bourgeois
and helps capital in their crisis of falling profits, by opening
up more sectors of economic life to exploitation and the profit
motive. The ANC Briefing notes which labeled certain Cosatu leaders
as ‘ultraleft’ is not a sign of radicalism by them,
but rather an indication of how far the ANC has moved to the right
that even the hardnosed Cosatu bureaucrat appears progressive! Such
is the need for greed by the ANC leadership, that nothing will stand
in their way to achieve their few pieces of silver. This is why
the ANC in government, across all sectors, are pushing ahead with
privatization, irrespective of the consequences for the working
class, using the Scorpion gang against community activists and using
live ammunition and the courts to achieve their ends. For achieving
their aims, all opposition will be labeled as anything they can
think of, yes, even ‘ultraleft’, so that self-enrichment
of the black middle class can continue. The ANC realizes that it
is attacking its own support base in its pro-capitalist drive and
it is why they will go into alliance with any reactionary force
in order to hang on to the reins of government.
This is why the ANC has formed an alliance with the NP [under whose
rule countless atrocities were perpetrated] so that they can extend
their support base to backward sections of the working class. This
is why the ANC actively promotes tribalism and the tribal council,
as this is the base from which it can hold on to the reins of government.
That the ANC and NP is now in alliance is a continuation of the
politics of the Codesa process and the GNU [Govt of National Unity]
that agreed to keep capitalism intact. The open alliance of the
ANC with the IFP [Inkatha Freedom Party] is also a reflection of
the ANC leaning on a backward support base.
need to sharpen the growing class contradictions, not blunt them
through misdirecting the masses into electoral channels
Today there is no mass political opposition to the ANC. In these
circumstances, the ANC has been accelerating the attacks on the
working class. They have been using their ‘legitimacy’
to launch attacks on the working class that would, under the NP
rule, have brought about an explosive situation. Today there is
massive dissatisfaction brewing in the working class. The expectations
of the ANC delivering freedom after 1994 have been greatly shattered.
Illusions that parliament is the route to change, have been given
a body blow. The capitalist class is facing a crisis. They still
have doubts about the ANC’s capacity to effectively control
the working class. They tried repression in the past and it could
not hold back the working class. International experience shows
that under these conditions, the capitalist class may even accept
a reformist mass workers party as a means to help control the working
In conditions of a political vacuum, trade union bureaucrats may
help the capitalists to form such a workers party. In the beginning,
such a party may sound quite radical and make all the right noises,
but the bottom line is that they accept capitalism and want to put
forward a human face for it.So for them, neo-liberalism is bad but
Keynesian capitalism is ok!! We must oppose the formation of a reformist
workers party at all costs.
so-called workers party that does not have as part of its programme
the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist system, the shattering
of the capitalist state apparatus, the nationalizing without compensation
under workers control of the commanding heights of the economy,
is not worth the paper its programme is written on. The full list
of democratic demands of the masses should be incorporated into
the programme, with the full realization that only working class
power, as spelt out in this article, is the route to meeting these
route to Socialism should be spelt out clearly as only through the
dictatorship of the working class. Also, the revolutionary working
class party has to have a structure that is capable of leading the
fight for Socialism to a successful conclusion. There are many examples
internationally of how a reformist workers party has led to a rescue
of capitalism. In Brasil, in the run-up to the fall of the military
dictatorship, the PT, Partido dos Trabalhadores, [Workers Party]
was formed. It involved several unions, community organizations,
even certain sections of the church. It focused most of its work
on elections and today supports privatization of certain state assets,
has formed electoral alliances with capitalist parties, and in short
has gone back on all its essential stated aims. It has turned the
mass uprising in Brasil into the elections channel , and has neutralized
the revolutionary militancy of the masses. A full article on this
experience appears elsewhere in this edition of Workers International
does capital need a reformist workers party now?
In 1994, the Wosa tried to launch a reformist Mass workers party.
It did not get off the ground precisely because the masses still
had great illusions in the ANC. Also the trade union and other leaders
had no need of it then to control the masses, so they did not support
it. Now that a political vacuum is opening up, some forces from
within the workers movement and even from the side of capital may
look to a mass workers party as the next means to maintain control.
course there may be groups and workers who unwittingly have fallen
into the trap of supporting this initiative – it is to them
that we direct this article to warn of the pending dangers of a
reformist workers party. Already there are forces within the APF
[Anti-Privatization Forum] who mistakenly support this notion of
a mass workers party. Already, the Cosatu bureaucrats are trying
their best to gain control of the APF, and if a mass workers party
initiative were to take off, they would be sure to try to get control
of this. The mass uprising after 1985 was betrayed by Stalinism
and the ANC, we dare not let the unfolding revolution be betrayed
again. We call on all working class fighters and groups to rally
with us to build a revolutionary working class party and to oppose
all efforts to build a reformist workers party.
the launch of the NAPFCC [National Anti-privatization Co-ordinating
The launch of this committee, on the weekend of 30 Nov-1st December,
as a united front to campaign against privatization is a great step
forward. The decision to field local government candidates is a
step towards channeling the energies of the masses into elections,
and creating illusions in the bourgeois state structures. The message
is being given that there is nothing wrong with the system. The
message is that we only need to change the faces, to get some more
‘honest’ people into the seats of government. If the
aim is to help unmask the system as completely anti-working class
and to show that no permanent gain can come through this channel,
we would then support electoral participation. This would have to
be very strictly monitored, with all the necessary checks and balances,
to prevent opportunist forces getting onto the gravy train at the
expense of the toiling masses. Otherwise, we are opposed to electoral
participation. [At the time of going to press, we still await a
full report from the national APF meeting and will issue a follow
up statement at a later stage]
the Cosatu ‘ultra-lefts’ and the current direction of
ANC policy discussions
For those who may suddenly think that the Cosatu leaders have turned
over a new leaf, we need to look only as far as document from the
Economic Transformation Committee [ETC] of the ANC, called ‘Towards
an Accelerated Growth path” to see what a treacherous role
they are playing. Key Cosatu leaders were integrally involved in
drawing up this document. The main feature of this document is its
support for capitalism. They do not challenge imperialist capitalist
control and the pro-capitalist role of the leaders is offered at
the price of a few empowerment crumbs. Notably the document supports
the privatization of state assets; it supports as well that these
assets to be palmed off in the name of Black Economic Empowerment
[self-enrichment of the black middle class]; it stands for the building
of capitalist infrastructure [subsidizing the growth of capitalism
in a similar way as the NP did post 1948]; the building of infrastructure
so that home-based industry can thrive [ghetto-based sweatshops]–
of course this is put under the label of addressing the rights of
making of beads etc, are elevated to industry level – the
so-called cultural industry! This paper notes that high government
spending to alleviate poverty is bad for investors and could scare
them off!! [So let the people starve, to keep the investors happy,
is their message] Restructuring means giving aspirant and emerging
black capitalists a stake in the economy – in essence poverty
relief, besides its safety-valve role for the excesses of capitalism,
is extended to include assisting the ‘poorer’ black
capitalists! They look at labour intensive industries and forget
about the shortening of the working day. They are looking at no
provident /pension payouts when workers get dismissed /or leave
a job for another – under the nice-sounding title ‘portability’
of pension funds [in other words the capitalist will have sole right
to your pension money until your day of retirement.
capitalist drafters of the document are actually amazed at the lack
of commitment of monopoly capital to beneficiate raw materials into
products. They dance around and ignore the fact that imperialism
capitalism controls the wealth in South Africa and that the world
is divided by them into zones of production, Africa being designated
the role of primary producer of raw materials. Although there is
some reference to forcing measures onto capital, this only pertains
to Black Economic Empowerment. For sure, this timid document would
have been discussed with the captains of capital, if not carry their
direct approval. Indeed, it deserves a label of GEAR part 2. It
is this GEAR part 2 that carries the approval of those allegedly
‘ultraleft’. With lefties like these, who needs enemies?!
with a reformist mass workers’ party!
Forward to a revolutionary working class party!
Forward to the rebuilding of the Fourth International!
NGASEKHOHLO KWE ANC, UQHEKEKO KUBUMBANO NENCAMANGO ZOKWAKHA UMBUTHO
WESININZI SABASEBENZI.[Inciyo,nemveli kwakunye nokukhula kongxowa
nkulu abamnyama phambili amadoda/nabafazi ?] (12.12.01)
Oongxowa nkulu abasakhulayo basebenzisa abasebenzi ukufezekisa iimfuno
Ubumbano olutsha phakathi kwe ANC kunye ne NP alothusi. Yomibini
le mibutho yimibutho yobungxowa nkulu efezekisa iimfuno zoongxowankulu.
Nangona kunjalo kukho umahluko omkhulu phakathi kokukhula kwamanashinali
amnyama [phantsi kwe-ANC] kurhulumente ukususela ngo-1994, kunye
nokukhula kwamashishini abantetho isisibhulu [phantsi kwe-NP] ukususela
ngo-1948. Umahluko ukwiimeko zoqoqosho ezahlukileyo aphathe ngazo
la maqela mabini. Amanashinali [NP] aphatha ngexesha umnotho wehlabathi
wawukhula emva kwemfazwe yehlabathi yesibini. Imali yamabhulu yanikwa
ithuba lingcutshwana longxowa nkulu nangokucinezela isininzi sabasenzi
abamnyama. [Yiyo le nto uSanlam wakhula ngokukhawuleza nangoku usengoyena
uphambili kwezomnotho emzantsi afrika].
nto yayilixabiso elalihlawulwa amabhulu ngabacinezeli. Oongxowa
nkulu banika ulawulo amabhulu khon’ukuze bakwazi ukusebenzisa
iindlela zobandlululo ukufezekisa iminqweno yabo yenzozo ephakame
kakhulu. Abanye abantu abamhlophe baye benziwa iintsika zobungxowa
nkulu ukuba baqhekeze okanye banyashe abasebenzi abamnyama. Nangona
abasebenzi abamhlophe babesaxhatshazwa, baye bathengwa (ngentlalo
engcono kunaleyo yabamnyama). Abanye babantu abamhlophe baye bazenzela
inqanaba eliphezulu lokuphila elingazange labonwa nakweliphi na
uhlanga ehlabathini ngengcinezelo eyayithewelwe ngabasebenzi ingakumbi
abanyama. Kwakuyo le nqubo oongxowa nkulu abasakhulayo abamnyama
babesacinezelwe nabo. Amabhulu angongxowa nkulu abakhasayo aye ayifihla
into yokuba kukho iyantlukwano ngokucinezelwa phakathi kwabo kunye
namabhulu angabasebenzi ngokungathi bamele iimfuno ezinye.
mabhulu angongxowa nkulu abasakhulayo aye asebenzisa abasebenzi
abamhlophe njengomkhosi owothusayo ukucinezela abasebenzi bonke.
I- ANC nayo iye yayibetha ngoyaba into yokwahlulahlwa kwabantu kuba
ingumbutho ofuna ukwaziwa kwihlabathi lonke, ngelithi iinjongo zongxowa
nkulu abamnyama abasakhulayo ziyafana nezabasebenzi abamnyama. UbuStalini
be SACP buye bancedisa ukuqinisa laa mampunge, nangoku basenemibono
engekhoyo. La mampunge namhlanje aqiniswa ngembumba ye ANC/SACP/COSATU.
Amalungu e-Cosatu asetyenziswa njengamanqwanqwa anyusa iinkokheli
ze-COSATU azise empumelelweni yobungxowankulu.
OLUYA KUBUDLELWANO BOBUNGXOWA NKULU OBUKHULULEKILEYO
yolawulo yango 1948 yayisekelezwe ekubeni kucinezelwe elinye icandelo
labasebenzi (abamnyama) kunye noongxowa nkulu abamnyama abasakhulayo.
Utshitsho lwango-1994 lwalusekelezwe ekubeni ubongxowa nkulu benziwe
mahala ngaphandle kokuphazanyiswa. Ukucalucalulwa kwabantu ngokwebala
kwasuswa ezincwadini zikarhulumente. Abantu abaza notshintsho ngabasebenzi
ngakumbi abamnyama. Abasebenzi abamnyama abasokuze bavume nayo nayiphi
indlela yokukhotyozwa bexhatshazwa ngoongxowa nkulu. Lo mbutho wodumo
i-ANC wamkelwe ngongxowa nkulu njengo Sathana omncinci. Oongxowa
baqonda ukuba babeseluncuphekweni lokulahlekelwa konke ngokwemizabalazo
yabasebenzi yovukelo lwabasebenzi. Iindleko zokunikezela ulawulo
kwi-ANC zabancane kakhulu kunezo zokuphulukana nento yonke kurhulumente
oyakulawula ngokweemfuno zabasebenzi (nabantu bonke abangenamfuno
IINJONGO ZE-ANC ZOKUNYUSA OONGXOWA NKULU ABAKHULAYO ABAMNYAMA
YENYE YEZINTO EBANGELE UKUBA ITHETHE NGENTENGISO YAMASHISHINI KARHULUMENTE
lwango 1994 ukuza ngoku lwaba yimilingo yenene eyabangela ukuba
oongxowankulu bazingombe izifuba bencumele ecaleni. Oku kumangaliswa
koongxowankulu kukumiswa komzabalazoowawungqale ekubhukuqeni ubungxowankulu.
Kuyo le nqubo iinjongo zokukhusela oongxowa nkulu yi -ANC zaye zicaca
ngokucaca. Ukukhulisa oongxowankulu yi-ANC kucaca kwinqubo yabo
yezoqoqosho [i-Gear] kwakunye nokuqhubela phambili kophuhliso lwezoqoqosho
lwegcuntswana lwabamnyama. I-ANC sisithunywa sabacinezeli bama-imperiyali
kule ngigqi yamaZantsi e-Afrika. Ngo-1948 ubutyebi behlabathi banda
emva kokwenziwa kobundlobongela bokucinezela abasebenzi. Oongxowankulu
abangama-imperiyali babenomkhankaso wokutyala izimali ngeqondo eliphezulu
emZantsi Afrika nanjengoko yayilithala lengcinezelo. Kulapho kwatsho
kwenziwa inqanaba eliphezulu lamashishini kusenzelwa ukuthenga abasebenzi
abamhlophe ukuba bavukele abanye abasebenzi bezenza amajoni abumini
sithetha nje uqoqosho lwehlabathi luyehla kwaye abasebenzi basemZantsi
Afrika abakathezwa mandla. Izixhobo zokuthenga icandelo elikhulu
labantu abamnyama azikho. Yile meko yenza kubekho iingxaki kolu
bumbano lwe ANC/ SACP/ Cosatu. Ubungxowankulu buyaphelelwa yiyo
le nto bufuna ukuhlasela ngamandla abasebenzi. I-ANC iqiqile iyazi
ngoluhlaselo kubasebenzi lwenza iingxaki kwiinkokheli zika Cosatu,
zona zifuna inzuzo ukwenzela zigcine izihlalo zazo. Ngezixhobo ezincinci
zokwenza oongxowankulu abasakhulayo abamnyama, phofu izinjongo ze-ANC
idibene noongxowa nkulu ukuba banikeze ngamashishini ezinto zikarhulumente
kongxowa nkulu ngokukhawuleza okudibene nokungxama.
Le nto ibangele urhulumente wobungxowankulu wanethemba koongxowa
nkulu abamnyama ukuhlangula ongxowa nkulu kwingxaki yokuhla kwengeniso,
ngokuthi bavule amanye amacandelo ezoqoqosho bencikiva befumana
ingeniso ephezulu. I-ANC kwintshwankathelo zengxelo yayo iye yatyibela
ezinye iinkokheli njengabantu abangasekhohlo kwasekhohlo, lo nto
ayiyombonakaliso yokuba i-ANC iqinisa iintambo, koko ibonakalisa
indlela ethe i-ANC yanxaxhela ekunene, nangona kukho ingxolo koozwilakhe
be-Cosatu bezenza abantu abamele abasebenzi. Ukunyoluka kwe ANC
kubonisa ukuba akukho nto iyakuma phambi kwayo xa ifuna amaqithi
qithi esilivere. Yiyo le nto i-ANC kumacandelo onke aseburhulumenteni
inyanzelisa ukuthengiswa kwamashishini, ingakhathali ngeziphumo
zoko kubasebenzi, besebenzisa imigulukudu yeqela loonomadukudwane
(Scorpion) kwiintshukumo zabahlali bekwasebenzisa nembumbulu kunye
nenkudla ukufezekisa iminqweno yabo. Ukufezekisa ezi njongo, bonke
abaphikisana nabo bakubizwa nayo nayiphi into engamnkelekanga. Ewe
sitsho nokuba basuka ngasekunene kwasekunene ukwenzela ukuzityebisa
I ANC iye yabona ukuba ihlasela abaxhasi bayo kule nqubo yayo yobungxowa
nkulu, yiyo le nto iye yabona ukuba iyakwenza ubudlelwane nawo nawuphi
umbutho wontamo nkulu ukwenzela ihlale ilawula. Yiyo ke le nto yenze
ubudlelwane namanashinali(NNP). Phantsi kolawulo lwamanashinali
kwakhuthazwa ukubulawa kwabantu abaninzi Isenzela inxaso yayo yande
ikwasebenzisa abantu abanengqondo zobuhlanga bamasiko (tribalism).
Yiyo le nto i-ANC yakhuthaza ingqondo zobuhlanga ngokwamasiko (tribalism)
kunye nezibonda , isenzela ukugcina inxaso yayo kurhulumente ilawula.
Ukubona i ANC kunye ne-NNP zinobudlelwane kukuqhubekeka nopolitiko
olasekwa kwinqubo ye CODESA kunye nenqubo yorhulumente wobumbwano(GNU)
apho kwavunyelwana ngokugcina ubungxowankulu bulawula. Ubudlelwana
obuphandle phakathi kwe-ANC kunye ne-IFP bubonisa ukuba i ANC isikhokelela
emva apho ifuna inxaso kubantu abanengqondo zobumveli.
SIHLAZIYE UKUKHULA KOKULWA UKWAHLULWAHLULWA KWABANTU NGOONGXOWANKULU,
SINGABANCOMI NGOKULAHLEKISA ISININZI SABANTU NGOKUVOTA
akukho mbutho osisininzi ophikisana ne-ANC. Kwezimeko i-ANC ithe
gqolo ukuhlasela abasebenzi nabantu abasokolayo. Basebenzisa ubungangamsha
nokuboniswa kwabasebenzi ezopolitiko ngokobuhlanga behlasela abasebenzi.
Olu hlaselo belungenakuqhubeka ngaphandle kovukelo phantsi kwe-NP.
Namhlanje kukho ukunganeliseki okuninzi okukhulayo kubasebenzi.
Izithembiso ze ANC zango 1994 zokukhulula abantu zinyamalele. Amathemba
okuba ipalamente yindlela eya enkululekweni aye aphelela emoyeni.
Oongxowa nkulu bajongene nengxaki.
ukuba i ANC ngokwenene izakubalawula abasebenzi ngaphandle kovukelo
na abasebenzi. Bazamile ingcinezelo kumaxesha adlulileyo, iye ayaphumelela
kubasebenzi. Ulwazi kwihlabathi liphela lubonakalisa ukuba phantsi
kwezi meko, oongxowankulu bangathi baxolele ukuvuma umbutho kawonke-wonke
wabasebenzi (Mass Wlekers Party) ozakuza neenguqwana njengesixhobo
esizakunceda ukulawula abasebenzi. Kwezi meko apho ezopolitiko zivuleleke
khona , iinkokheli ezithanda izihlalo zeenyunani (unions) zingathi
zincede oongxowankulu ekwakhiweni lo mbutho unguginya zonke wabasebenzi.
lo mbutho ungavakala ingathi ngamatshantliziyo, benze yonke ingxolo
elungileyo kubasebenzi, kodwa isiphelo bayabuxhasa ubungxowankulu
baphinde babeke ubuntu phambili kubo. Bathi ngoko ke kuba lemeko
intsha yenkululeko imbi kodwa ubungxowa nkulu base Keynesian bulungile.
Umbutho wabasebenzi olwela ukulungelanisa ukubngxowankulu kufuneka
ugatyiwe ngazo zonke iindlela. Nayo nayiphi i-party ezibiza ngokuba
imele abasebenzi, ingenayo inqubo yokubhukuqa ubungxowankulu, kuthathwe
amashishini abe phantsi kwaba sebenzi ngaphandle kwembuyekezo (kuba
ngabo abakha uqoqosho) kufuneka iliwe isaqala ukusekwa.
Lo nto ayithethwa nje kufuneka ibengumgaqo obhalwe phantsi. Indlela
eya kubusoshiyali kufuneka ubonakaliswe ngokucacileyo, ngokuthi
ibe ngabasebenzi abakhokelayo ngobuzwi labo basebenzi. Kwakhona
ngaphandle kwentetho ezinambithekayo, i party ezabalazayo yabasebenzi
kufuneka ibenequmrhu elinokuthi likwazi ukukhokela umlo wokuya kubusoshiyali
imizekelo ehlabathini ebonakalisa indlela ipati yeenguqu kawonke
wonke yabasebenzi eyathi yakhokelela ekuncedeni ubungxowa nkulu.
Phaya e-Brazil ngelixa kusiwa ubuzwilakhe bomkhosi umbutho, ubutho
ekuthiwa yi-PT (Partid dos Trabalhadores) umbutho wabasebenzi waye
wokhiwa. Phakathi kuwo kwaye kukho iimanyano ezininzi [unions],
imibutho yokuhlala, kwakunye namanye amacandelo ecawa. Yaye ke le
pati yaqwalasela kulonyulo kwaye sithetha nje namhlanje ixhasa ukuthengiswa
kwamanye amashishini karhulumente koongxowa nkulu, yaphinda yenza
ubudlelwane bolonyulo kunye nemibutho yongxowa nkulu yaphinda ngexesha
elifutshane yabuyela kwenjongo zokwakha urhulumente.
umzabalazo wabesebenzi abaninzi yawenza indlela eya elonyulweni,
yakugqiba yawubetha ngoyaba umsindo wabantu. Ingxelo egcweleyo malunga
nala mava ifumaneka kwalapha kule ncwadi yendaba ze-Workers International
LE NTO UBUNGXOWANKULU BUFUNA UMBUTHO WOTSHITSHO WABASEBENZI NGOKU?
1994 i-Wosa yazama ukumilisela umbutho wesininzi sabasebenzi. Zange
ihoywe sisininzi sabasebenzi kuba sasisenethemba elikhulu kwi ANC.
Kwakunye nemanyano(unions) nezinye iinkokheli zange ziyikhathalele
lembono kuba zingekayiboni imfuneko yokulawula isininzi ngombutho
ofana nalowo. Kuba ngoku ezopolitiko zivulelekile, ezinye iinkokheli
zemibutho yabasebenzi zingakwicala loongxowa nkulu bakujonga umbutho
womxukuxela wabasebenzi iyenye yendlela yokungcina ulawulo kubasebenzi.
Ewe kukho indibanisela kunye nabasebenzi abayakuthi ngokungazi bangene
kulo mgibe baxhase le mbono. Sibhalela bona sibalumkisa ngobungozi
obukhoyo balombutho wabasebenzi wokulungelelanisa ubungxowankulu
kukho imimoya phakathi kwi- APF[Anti Privatisation Forum] ethe ngempazamo
yaxhasa oku kwakhiwa kweqela eliwola konke labasebenzi. Nangoku
iinkokheli ze-Cosatu bazama kangangoko banakho ukufumana ulawulo
lwe- APF, ukwenzela ukuba lo mbutho babenokukwazi ukuwulawula. Uqhanqalazo
lwango 1985 lwangcatshwa ngobu-Stalini kunye ne-ANC, sikholo oko
kulo mzabalazo ukuba ungangcatshwa kwakhona. Sibiza abasebenzi abalwayo
kwakunye nendibanisela ukuba sibebanye nilwe nathi sakhe i party
yomzabalazo yabasebenzi sigatye yonke imizamo yokwakha i party yotshitsho
KWE-NAPFCC [NATIONAL ANTI PRIVATISATION CO- ORDINATING COMMITTEE]
kwale komiti ngempela-veki yange 30 November - 1 December 2001 njenge
ndlela eyaphambili emanyaneyo kukhankaso lokulwa ukuthengiswa kwamashishini
kongxowa nkulu yaba linyathelo eliya phambili. Isigqibo sokumanya
kulo nyulo lorhulumente benginqi nezibonda linyathelo eliphelisa
amandla esininzi kulonyulo, kuze kwakhiwe amanye amathemba kuburhulumente
bobungxowa nkulu nezixhobo zabo. Umyalezo onikwayo ngowokuba akukho
nto imbi kulemeko kulawulwa ngayo. Umyalezo uthi sifuna ukuguqula
ubuso sifumane abantu abathembekileyo kurhulumente. Ukuba iinjongo
kukuveza urhulumente ukuba ulwa abasebenzi kwaye ezi njongo zibonakalisa
ukuba akukho ngeniso enokufunyanwa ngezi zigqibo, sakuthi sikuxhase
ukuthatha inxaxheba kulonyulo.
Lo nto iyakufuna ukujongwa ngeliso elibukhali, ngazo zonke iindlela
umoya wozungulichele ingangeni kulo loliwe unomhluzi (gravy train)
ngaphantsi kwendleko zabasebenzi. [Ngelilixa sishicilelayo sisalinde
ingxelo egcweleyo kwi-APF kazwe lonke ebinomhlangano, sakuthi sikhuphe
enye intetha elandela le kungekudala]
KU-COSATU, ABASEKHOHLO KWASEKHOHLO
KWAKUNYE NENDLELA YANGOKU YE-ANC KWIINGXOXO MALUNGA NOMGAQO-NKQUBO
bacinga ukuba ngokukhawuleza iinkokheli zika Cosatu zityhile kwelinye
igqabi, sifuna nijonge kuphela kumqulu onge-Economic Transformation
Committee [ETC]. Ikomiti yokuguqula uqoqosho ye- ANC, apho kuthethwa
ngendlela eya ekukhuliseni uqoqosho, nijonge indlela engathembekanga
abayidlalayo. Iinkokheli zika-Cosatu ezaziwayo ziye zafakwa ekwakhiweni
kwalo mqulu. Oyena ndoqo walomqulu kukuxhasa ubungxowa nkulu. Awulwi
ulawulo lwengcinezelo yobungxowa nkulu kunye nobungxowankulu obucacileyo
beenkokheli obuthengwe ngexabiso elihlawulwe kwabambalwa abamnyama
kuthiwa bayaphuhliswa. Ngokucacileyo lo mqulu uxhasa ukuthengiswa
kwenkampani eziphantsi kukarhulumente, uxhasa ngakumbi ukuba ezi
nkampani zithengiswe egameni lophuhliso lwabantu abamnyama [ indlela
ephucukileyo yokuzityebisa] lo mqulu umele ukwakhiwa kophuhliso
lobungxowankulu. [Oku kukuhlumisa ubungxowankulu ngendlela efana
nqwa neye-NP emva komnyaka ka 1948].
oku kusenziwa kusithiwa kukhuselwa amalungelo abantu besifazane.
Ukwenziwa kwe tsimbi, nobuyokoyoko njalo njalo kuhambisana nomgaqo
woqoqosho ekuthiwa luqoqosho lwemveli. Lo mqulu uthi ukusetyenziswa
kwemali ngurhulumente ukuzama ukulwa ubuhlwempu akulungelananga
nokurhwebesha abatyali zimali kweli. [Ngoko ke mabayekwe abantu
basokole, ukugcina abatyali zimali bonwabile, lowo ngumyalezo wal
mqulu watyikitywa zezikokheli]. Ukwakha ngokutsha kuthetha ukuqhathwa
kunye nokukhula kongxowa nkulu abamnyama bafumane intwana enqatheni
lamaqithiqithi ezoqoqosho - phantsi kobuxoki bokupheliswa kobuhlwempu,
kuxokwa ezona njongo ikukuya kubungxowa nkulu, yandiswa le nqubo
kuncedwa kufakwa oongxowankulu abamnyama abasakhulayo. Baye bajonga
ukucinezela abasebenzi balibala ngokucutha iintsuku zokusebenza.
Abajonganga kwi Provident Fund kunye nokubhatalwa kwendodla (pension)
xa abasebenzi begxothwa okanye beyeka ukusebenza besiya kweminye
imisebenzi – le nto bayibiza ngamagama amnandi [Portability
of pension fund] ithetha ukuthi ungxowa nkulu bakubanelungelo kwimali
yakho yendodla ude uyeke ukusebenza.Oongxowa nkulu abaye babhala
lo mqulu baye bothuka ngokungabikho kuzinekezela koongxowa abazimeleyo
ukuguqula imveliso ephuma kwindalo ibe yimveliso esetyenziweyo enelutho.
badanisa dawonye bayilibala ecaleni inyani yokuba bubungxowankulu
obu bulawula ubutyebi bomZantsi Afrika kwaye ihlabathi lahlulwe
ngabo ngokwe nqila zokwenza ubutyebi, i-Afrika isetyenziswa njengedawo
ezakuthi ivelise ubutyebi bendalo ukuxhasa amanye amazwe. Nangona
zikhona iziphakamiso zokulwa ubungxowa, yonke lo nto idodobaliswe
yile ntetha intsha yokuphuhlisa oongxowankulu abamnyama [ukuzityebisa].
Ngokucacileyo lo mqulu ubukhe waxoxwa nookapteyini boongxowankulu,
ukuba akuziswanga into evela kubo ngqo. Ngeliphandle ufana ne-Gear
yesibini. Yile Gear yesibini exhaswe ngabo babizwa ngokuba ngabasekhohlo
ngomzabalazo kwakunye nokwakhiwa kwe party yabasebenzi ezabalazela
PT [Workers’ Party] experience in Brasil – lessons for
the working class in South Africa
is necessary to write this article as there appears to be a trend
among some Socialist groupings to be promoting a PT-type party for
South Africa. We think this will be a big mistake as it will give
reformism a new lease of life at a time when the class contradictions
are sharpening. It will sidetrack the rising revolutionary tide
into a dead-end.
us first look at what are the basic principles of a Marxist revolutionary
1. [Trotsky: The Labour party Question in the USA, 1932] “That
a Marxist, a proletarian revolutionist, cannot present himself before
the working class with 2 banners. He cannot say at a workers’
meeting ‘I have a ticket for a first class party, and a cheaper
ticket for the backward workers.’ If I’m a Communist
then I must fight for a Communist Party.”
2. A revolutionary workers party is a Marxist party based on a definite
programme, whose aim is the organization of the working class in
the struggle for power, and the transformation of the existing social
order. All its activities, it methods and internal regime are subordinated
to this aim and are designed to serve it.
3. The struggle for power organized and led by the revolutionary
party is the most ruthless and irreconcilable struggle in all of
history. A loosely knit, heterogenous, undisciplined, untrained
organization is utterly incapable of accomplishing such world historical
tasks as the proletariat and the revolutionary party are confronted
with in the present era. Should the workers take power in South
Africa, the SADC armies will not stand by and twiddle their thumbs
[as the working class in Lesotho found out in 1998], neither will
the US military bases in Botswana be sending their warmest greetings!!
4. Leadership and centralized direction are indispensable for any
sustained and disciplined action, especially in the party that sets
for itself the aim of leading the collective efforts of the working
class, in its struggle against capitalism.
5. Membership to the revolutionary workers’ party implies
a) the total acceptance of the party’s programme
b) actively participating in the party organization
c) fulfilling all the tasks the party assigns to each member
d) contributing materially to support the organization in accordance
with his or her means.
It follows from the above that the party seeks to include in its
ranks all the revolutionary class conscious and militant workers
who stand on its programme and are active in building the Movement
in a disciplined manner.
6. The all-inclusiveness principle that allows sympathizers and
fellow travelers to become party members must be rejected. This
all-inclusiveness principle paralyses the party and blunts its revolutionary
thrust. At this stage, allowing all-comers means adapting to the
average and would undermine the crucial role of the party in raising
the Socialist consciousness of the working class.
7. To build a combat organization capable of leading the conquest
of state power, the party must have as its general staff a core
of professional revolutionaries who devote their entire lives to
the direction and building of the party, and its influence in the
8. The working class is the only class in modern society that is
progressive and truly revolutionary; a truly revolutionary party
can lead the proletariat to victory only if it is deeply rooted
among the workers. It must be composed predominantly of workers
and enjoy the respect and confidence of the workers. A party of
non-workers, or that is dominated by bourgeois or even middle class
elements is subject to all the reactionary influences of suspicion,
cynicism and capitulatory despair transmitted to it through its
middle class environment and perspective.
9. A revolutionary party must make a concerted, determined and systematic
effort, consciously directed by the leadership of the party to penetrate
the workers movement, establish the roots of the party in the trade
unions, the mass labour organizations and in the workers’
residential areas, and recruit worker militants into the ranks of
10. Militancy alone will not topple capitalism. The advance layers
of the working class must become conscious of the irreconcilable
antagonisms between capital and labour, and the resolution of this
conflict could only be achieved by the overthrow of the state, the
destruction of the capitalist system; and thereby laying the basis
for a new social order- Socialism.
11. The integration of the revolutionary Party into the workers
movement is indispensable for the progress of the party; such integration
can be accomplished by adjusting party campaigns to engage the demands
and direction of the workers movement. We define the working class
movement as the organized self-activity of the working class to
improve its conditions of life under capitalism-imperialism. Hence
civic organizations fighting to improve facilities such as housing,
roads, transport, electricity, etc in the various working class
areas; hence the demands by local sports clubs for better facilities,
etc. The revolutionary party will be at the forefront of the fight
to achieve these various demands, at the same time, propagating
to the working class that real equality, real change, a real rise
in the standard of living, that real security for themselves and
their families cannot be achieved within the context of the capitalist
system; and the crushing of the capitalist state is a precondition
without which freedom of the working class from poverty and drudgery
is impossible. Thus, every agitation and every intervention must
at all times include this ultimate objective.
12. Any revolutionary working class party has to be internationalist
in the sense that the fate of the working classes across the world
is inter-connected and the struggle for Socialism is international.
Every revolutionary working class party has to have, therefore,
as its perspective the building or becoming part of a revolutionary
international. This means learning from all the mistakes of the
past attempts and we believe that this should lead us in the direction
of rebuilding the Fourth International.
the Brazilian PT [Partido dos Trabalhadores –Workers’
In 1964 the army in Brasil, on behalf of the local capitalist class,
and assisted by US imperialism, carried out a military coup. The
military dictatorship smashed the workers’ movement. The PCB
[Brazilian Communist Party], then the main political organization
with support in the workers’ movement, did not fight the military
dictatorship and abandoned thousands who wanted to do so. The PCB
split and went into decline. There was a rapid period of industrialization
from 1969-1973. During this period 5 auto companies opened up production
plants near Sao Paulo in a region called the ABC region.
a new highly concentrated proletariat developed. In 1977 a student
movement appeared and their protests prepared the way for the rebirth
of the workers’ movement. In 1978 the workers at Scania in
the ABC region went on strike. This was the first significant strike
since 1968 and marked the beginning of the end of the military dictatorship.
A wave of strikes followed, much like the 1973 strikes in Durban.
1978-1980 about 3 million workers went on strike throughout Brasil,
led by the 170 000 metalworkers from the ABC region. There was a
sustained period of strikes and protests up to 1989 when 18 million
workers were on strike. It was this level of mobilization that brought
an end to the military dictatorship. Workers also rose to purge
the unions of the pro-boss leaders, many who had been installed
by the military regime.
birth of the PT
A Trotskyist organization, the Convergencia Socialista, an affiliate
of the International Workers League [or LIT – Liga Internacional
dos Trabalhadores] was the first to make a proposal for the formation
of a Labour party or Workers’ party, raising the slogan of
a party without bourgeois elements.
LIT members first publicly presented their proposal in the Metalworkers
Congress in Sao Paulo state in March 1979. At that time the Social
Democrats, including the person who is today the President of Brasil,
Fernando Henrique Cardoso, were trying to attract worker leaders
like Lula [who today heads the PT] to form a popular party. Under
pressure from the vanguard workers, Lula and other worker leaders
rejected the popular party and opted for building the Workers Party,
the PT. Lula and leaders like him took the initiative to form the
PT uniting workers’ groups of Marxists and even currents from
the Catholic church [such as Liberation Theology]. The first slogan
of the PT was ‘a workers’ party without bosses’.
programme and social composition of the party was always in contradiction
with the leadership of the party, whose majority was composed of
the Lula current under the powerful influence of the Catholic Church.
This current always had a class-collaborationist approach- ie it
was a middle class current. For the time being, the leadership yielded
to the radicalized base of the party. The Marxist groups had about
20% support of the PT in Sao Paulo. Lula formed the internal tendency
called the Articulation to consolidate the reformist influence and
to counter the Marxists. The Articulation tendency still dominates
the PT and the Brasilian union movement today. Tendencies were allowed
to be formed within the PT, even allowing each to openly publicise
their positions and differences with the main position of the party.
Tendencies were even allowed to have their own newspapers and the
leadership of the party was based on proportional support for each
new trade union movement, CUT [Unitary Centre of Workers], that
arose in the fight against the dictatorship, has a structure which
reflected the inner structure of the PT- workers are not represented
at Congress or in leadership, based on industrial sector, but based
on the political tendency that they represent and the support that
they have among the workers in the union. Each tendency is freely
allowed to circulate and publicise their positions, even in the
form of newspapers.
and the rightward shift of the PT
The PT stood for elections in 1982 and received 7% of the vote in
Sao Paulo, averaging 3% in the country as a whole. As the years
went by, the electoral support for the PT grew. In 1984, the PT
directed working class anger against the military dictatorship into
electoral channels and called for direct elections. Huge demonstrations
took place, numbering about 1 million in Rio de Janeiro and 1 ½
million in Sao Paulo city. In 1986 the PT increased their number
of federal deputies from 8 to 16.
1988 the PT had 36 mayors, including the largest city in the country,
Sao Paulo. In 1989 Lula stood for President, gaining 18% of the
vote in the first round, ie 11,6 million. In the second round, Lula
gained 31 million votes, just less than half those who voted. At
the same period there was the biggest strike that Brasil had ever
seen, involving about 18 million strikers. The PT had successfully
channeled workers frustrations into bourgeois elections sidetracking
the working class from a revolutionary path. Instead of calling
for workers’ councils / soviets to be set up and calling for
the working class to take power into its own hands, the revolutionary
path was missed. At this crucial stage, the LIT group promoted the
calling of immediate elections, thus also bowing to electoralism.
the start, the PT programme was developing to the right. As soon
as the revolutionary tide had ebbed, the rightward shift was more
rapid. Together with the fall of Stalinism in 1989-1990, the PT
programme underwent a dramatic further change. At its Congress in
1991, the PT abandoned the perspective of revolutionary change.
From then up to now, the PT has moved more openly closer to the
bourgeoisie/capitalist class. In the 1998 elections, against the
will of their own membership, they formed electoral alliances with
bourgeois parties. Among other states, the PT attained governorship
in Brasilia state, where the capital is situated. The policy they
applied there was a capitalist one. The policy of the PT is nothing
but a different version of flexibility, privatization and other
founding of the PSTU[Partido Socialista dos Trabahadores Unificado
– United Workers Socialist Party]
In 1992, when there was a mass movement for the impeachment of the
President Collor de Mello, the Convergencia Socialista[CS] tendency
was expelled from the PT. The PT line was to defend the law and
the electoral calendar, whereas the CS was supporting the immediate
removal of Collor. The CS supported immediate removal of the President
and immediate elections, thus bowing to electoralism.
40 other groups also left the PT at the time and they united with
the CS to form the PSTU in 1994. Today the PSTU is the Brasilian
section of the LIT. In the build-up to the 1998 elections, the PSTU
promoted a vote for Lula [head of the PT] for President and a Vice
President from the landless peasants [MST]. When the PT did not
break with the bourgeois parties, the PSTU put up their own candidate
for Presidency. The PSTU was calling for a return to the original
programme of the PT and of the CUT [the new union federation founded
in 1983 -similar to Cosatu in South Africa]. In other words, the
PSTU was calling for a step back instead of drawing the lessons
and calling for a step forward.
on the Labour party
We do not believe that Trotsky changed his mind on the Labour Party
in the 1938 discussions with comrades from the American SWP[Socialist
Workers Party]. Whereas in the USA at the time there was a movement
in the masses for the formation of a Labour Party, there is no such
movement in South Africa today.
in 1938, when there was such a movement in the USA, Trotsky was
at pains to point out that in all circumstances, whether this party
has a loose structure, or is centralized, or ultimately becomes
a centralized revolutionary party, our revolutionary programme,
organizational principles and tactics remain intact. That is, Trotsky
argued that in the case where the Labour Party has a loose structure
and allows us to be members as a group, with our programme and the
space to fight to convince others of the correctness of it, then
we could be part of such a party.
if the Labour party is highly centralised and does not allow us
to operate as a group within it, then we have to maintain our formation
with its organizational principles and programme outside of the
Labour Party, while considering sending some members into Party
to fight for the adoption of our programme and organizational principles.
In both the above cases, if the Labour Party adopts our programme
and organizational principles then we could dissolve our group into
the new party. At no stage can we compromise on our programme and
organizational principles! We are our progamme and organisational
We do not know enough about the programme of the CS in the PT to
make a definitive comment on this. If there had been a movement
in the working class for a Labour Party then this would have justified
the CS joining the PT. But if there was no such movement, and the
CS initiated the PT, then they were party to creating an obstacle
in the path of the Brasilian revolution. Revolutions are not about
once-off uprisings but the raising of Socialist consciousness requires
a crucial and painstaking period of preparation of the working class.
means fighting as an active minority, side by side with the masses,
to raise their consciousness. Crucial in the preparatory stage is
the posing of transitional demands. [Demands which are based on
the current struggles, but which lead the workers to realizing that
their fight has to go beyond capitalism in order to succeed]. We
do not know enough of the Brasilian history to know what these should
have been or should be now. This aspect should form part of future
work and we welcome contributions in this regard.
To propose a PT-type party for South Africa means proposing a watered
down, reformist programme and abandonment of revolutionary organizational
principles. Are the workers mostly following the politics of the
bourgeoisie? NO. In Zimbabwe, the MDC, has taken root, unfortunately
with the support of the ISOZ. [The MDC is not even a workers party
but a bourgeois party based on the unions] These developments in
Zimbabwe show the relative immaturity of the working class there
as compared with South Africa. The rejection of the Workers List
Party is also a reflection of the level of maturity of the working
class in South Africa.
is a deep tradition of the Communist movement, even though it was
stalinised. The building of a revolutionary party in South Africa
has a real chance to develop. The rise to government of a Popular
Front led by the ANC, shows the contradiction that the capitalist
class faces. The ANC had to pose as if they could meet the needs
of the masses. The ANC has not delivered and in fact cannot deliver.
The preparedness of the masses to invade land such as Bredell both
shows the desperation of the masses and the extent to which the
working class is prepared to go. The fact that less than 50% of
the electorate takes part in elections reflects that to a great
extent illusions of the masses in parliament have been shattered.
The confirmation by the courts, such as evicting the Bredell land
occupiers and upholding the dismissals of the 1386 VWSA dismissed
workers, show day by day to the working class the true role of the
courts as the defenders of monopoly capitalism-imperialism. The
masses are looking for a way out.
is no mass alternative at the moment. Let us not underestimate the
impact of a class line, posing transitional demands and of a revolutionary
pole under the current conditions of huge dissatisfaction of the
masses with the ANC in government. Our orientation should be to
the struggle of the masses and not to create an electoral vehicle.
A PT-type party will not only give a lifeline to the reformists
but also to capital to gain a new form of control! We hereby put
the challenge to all working class fighters to join hands with WIVL
to build a revolutionary working class party.
is our urgent task. With the ANC rapidly sharpening the tools of
violent suppression , like the Scorpions, a return to detention
without trial, etc, history will judge us harshly if we fail to
rise to the occasion. The future is Socialism, let us build the
revolutionary working class party.
the Conduct of Communists in Parliament
Communists do take up positions in the capitalist parliamentary
structures for one and only one reason: to facilitate the destruction
of the capitalist system. We read this in the relevant thesis of
the Third International while it was still under the leadership
of communists such as Trotsky and Lenin.
Firstly, the communists that take up the position in parliament
must sign an oath in public that his/her parliamentary income must
go to the account of the party. The party will then pay him/her
an income that is equivalent to that of the average income of a
skilled worker. The rest of the income shall be put to the struggle
of the working class. This is a strong principle of communists to
stop people using parliament to enrich themselves as it happens
in capitalist parties such as the ANC and SACP.
do not separate the revolutionary work of their party from their
work in parliament. They use their position in parliament to undermine
the very system that parliament is set up serve ie capitalism. They
put forward the struggle of the working class above their parliamentary
work. No communists shall carry forward the programme of the capitalist
class but the working class programme.
communist in parliament shall conduct himself /herself in the same
revolutionary manner he/she was conducting himself/herself outside
parliament. The revolutionary in parliament obeys no parliamentary
code of conduct but the programme of the revolutionary party. All
in all, the revolutionary communist in parliament undermines both
parliament and capitalism. For this he stands to be dismissed from
parliament according to the balance of forces between the working
class and capitalist class. To be dismissed in parliament reflects
the impact of the revolutionary work of a communist in parliament
and is nothing bad. It is nothing bad for communists to enter parliament
without illusions that they will be able to free the working class
through parliamentary work but on the contrary, freedom will only
come through a fight against parliament. Parliament is reactionary
not revolutionary in its very establishment.
fact, communists do not take up positions in parliament when the
working class is ready to revolt. Instead of devoting their time
parliamentary chambers they devote it to the struggle of the working
class in the revolutionary struggle outside. So the joining of parliament
is not always a given option for the communists, they join only
when the working class is not in the revolutionary motion. But,
in any event, Communists never become cabinet ministers, because
this means having to carry out capitalist policies.
us judge the conduct of the SACP leaders in parliament against the
above communist principles in parliament. Firstly, Jeff Radebe should
not have accepted a cabinet position, let alone have carried forward
the programme of privatisation as stipulated by capitalist GEAR.
From the ranks of parliament he should have mobilized for nationalization
under workers control all the major sectors of the economy as a
basis for meeting the needs of the working class and poor in general.
This would start to lay the basis for a socialist society.
will take the working class forward as opposed to being taken back
through privatisation. He should have mobilized against parliament
when GEAR was adopted.
This means that Fraser Moleketsi should have mobilized in parliament
in her seven years for the scaling down of the wages of the state
bureaucrats and MP’s to that of skilled workers and have fought
for increasing the poverty wages of the public sector workers. On
every issue she should have stood unambiguously with the workers
and against the capitalists.
It means Shepherd Mdladlana should have fought for all unemployed
workers to get a living unemployment benefit and all workers must
get a living wage while working. This will be carrying forward the
mandate of the working class that elected them. Of course under
the present conditions real communists would have been dismissed
from parliament for siding with the working class. But that is the
cost of revolutionary work in any capitalist parliament.
MASS ACTION NEEDED TO SAVE MUMIA
[Most of this article has been taken from Workers Power Global newswire,
with amendments by WIVL – thus we take sole responsibility
for its political line]
Abu-Jamal's supporters mobilised worldwide to rally for Mumia on
the weekend of December 7-9, the 20th anniversary of the incident
that led to his frame-up.
walkouts were planned for Friday, December 7. A mass protest was
planned in Philadelphia on Saturday, December 8, which resulted
in mass police brutality against protesters.
8-9 December, marches, protests, and teach-ins took place in cities
around the world.
21 November, Philadelphia State Judge Pamela Dembe rejected death
row political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal's appeal to have new evidence
heard in state court.
new evidence includes the confession of Arnold Beverly to killing
Officer Faulkner, the crime Mumia has been framed for committing.
While this is a major blow to Mumia's legal battle, it is not his
final appeal. Mumia's case is still in Federal Court before Judge
was an attempt by Mumia's legal team to bring the case back into
a state court to hear new evidence. The case has yet to be decided
in Federal Court. A decision by Judge Yohn in Federal Court for
execution would be Mumia's final legal appeal.
US government's attempt to murder Mumia Abu-Jamal in 1995 was halted
by mass protests and international support, stopping his execution
within days of it being scheduled to take place. Continued support
in the streets will be necessary to keep Mumia alive and free him.
a freelance journalist Mumia, exposed the murderous police brutality
and political repression against the MOVE organization in Philadelphia.
That murderous repression was then directed at Mumia Abu-Jamal in
frame-up trial twenty years ago included the testimony of three
eyewitnesses (Veronica Jones, William Singletary, and Robert Chobert)
who later said they were threatened, coerced, or made promises by
the police to get them to give false testimony against Mumia.
evidence against Mumia also included a supposed confession to the
police the night he was arrested. The original police report by
Officer Gary Wakshul who was with Mumia the entire time through
his arrest and medical treatment stated, "during this time
the Negro male made no comment."
Gary Wakshul testified at Mumia's trial that he heard Mumia confess
that night. Gary Wakshul didn't "remember" this confession
until almost three months after Mumia's arrest when prosecutor McGill
met with police asking for a confession.
Wakshul absurdly stated that he didn't think the confession was
important at the time he wrote his original report.
17 August, Mumia was not even allowed into his own hearing in State
Court on the incredible excuse that there was no room for him to
be transferred to a Philadelphia jail where the hearing was taking
exile from his own hearing was reminiscent of 20 years ago, when
he was barred from attending his own trial. At that time he was
convicted in his absence.
Albert Sabo claimed that Mumia was barred for being disruptive.
Yet court records have now revealed that Sabo barred Mumia from
his own trial at the request of Mumia's incompetent and now disbarred
defense attorney, Anthony Jackson. The court appointed attorney
made his request on the grounds that Mumia was about to fire him
and would if Mumia wasn't barred from the trial.
granting of Jackson's request was a clear violation of Mumia's right
to legal representation of his choice and of his right to be present
at his own trial.
past May, Mumia's attorneys dropped a legal bombshell by submitting
into court a sworn affidavit that contains the confession of Arnold
Beverly to the murder that Mumia is accused of committing.
new evidence the court is refusing to hear includes the confession
of Arnold Beverly who states in his sworn affidavit, "I shot
Faulkner at close range." Faulkner was the cop Mumia is framed
for killing. Beverly also states very clearly, "Faulkner was
shot in the back and in the face before Jamal came on the scene.
Jamal had nothing to do with the shooting." Arnold Beverly's
confession is corroborated by eyewitness statements.
has sat on death row for most of the past 20 years, removed from
his family. Yet he now stands out as an uncompromising voice for
the oppressed and exploited. Many have called him the voice of the
stands up for unions, against war, against racism, for equality
for gays and lesbians, for the poor, against the many injustices
of the so-called criminal justice system, for the people, and against
speaks up on many of the issues ignored, lied about, or glossed
over by the corporate media and the corporate politicians. We need
Mumia, we need him alive, and we need him free. Yet all of the evidence
shows that Mumia won't get justice in America's capitalist courts.
It is most ironic that US imperialism is claming to embark on an
international campaign for ‘infinite justice’, yet keeps
an innocent man on death row for many years.
is instructive that the ex- governor of Pennsylvania, Tom Ridge,
who was instrumental in keeping Mumia on death row, is now one of
the political leaders of Bush’s campaign against ‘terrorism’.
The campaign to free Mumia is a campaign against US capitalist state
MUMIA! DOWN WITH FRAMEUPS! DOWN WITH THE CAPITALIST DEATH PENALTY!
need to make even bigger protests and mobilize more decisively among
the international working class to free Mumia. We call on activists
in SA to revive the Free Mumia campaign.
Intsebenziswano Phakathi Kwe-ANC ne-NNP
Ikwisiseko “Senkululeko” Yeli
ne-NNP Kudala zavumelana ngezinto ezingundoqo ngenqubo emayilandelwe
ukumilisela uzinzo kweli lizwe. Inkululeko yeli umzekelo, sisiphumo
sesivumelwano phakathi kwe-ANC ne-NP yangoko. I-ANC yavulwa umlomo
phantsi kwemiqathango eyamiliselwa yi-NP yavumelana nalo miqathango.
Iingxoxo ezibizwa ngokuba yi-Groote Schuur Minutes, i-CODESA, ukuya
kutsho kwezase-Wold Trade Centre, kwanezinye iingxoxwana zaphuma
nezivumelwano ezabasiseko soMzantsi Afrika “omtsha”.
Umgaqo siseko waqulunqwa ngezimulwano phakathi kwale mibutho mibini.
Imithetho emitsha esekwa epalamente isekwa phantsi komgaqo owaphunyezwa
sisivumelwano phakathi kwe-ANC ne-NP. Konke oku kubonakalisa imbumba
esuka kude phakathi kwe-ANC ne-NNP ekwakheni eli lizwe. Le mbumba
isekelezele ekuphumeleliseni iimfuno zoongxowankulu kweli. Yomibini
le mibutho ingonoopopi yama-imperiyali.
mbumba ibisoloko igcinwe ekufihlakeleni ngenxa yocinezelelo labalandeli
nabaxhasi be-ANC. Ukuvela esidlangalaleni nale mbumba kwantlandlolo
bebuyakudida abalandeli nabaxhasi bembumba wonxantathu we-ANC/SACP/COSATU.
Kaloku aba balandeli bayazi mhlophe ukuba i-NP okanye i-NNP ngumbutho
wabacinezeli boongxowankulu. Iinjongo zabo kukufezekisa iimfuno
zoongxowankulu ngokucinezela abasebenzi. Iinto abasebenzi abangayaziyo
kukuba i-ANC, SACP kwakunye neenkokheli ze-COSATU zimele iimfuno
zoongxowankulu kwanazo. Oku kubangelwa yimbali yopolitiko lweli
lizwe olwenza abasebenzi abakwazi ukwahlula umzabalazo wobuzwe nowobusebenzi.
ubungxowankulu be-ANC abusenakufihlakala njengakuqala. Oku kuvela
kwe-ANC ukuba imele iimfuno zoongxowankulu bubeka ucinezelelo phezu
kwe-ANC ukuthi ithathe icala poqo phakathi kwabasebenzi noongxowankulu.
I-ANC yazikhethela icala loongxowankulu kudala. Ukuze ikwazi ukufumana
inxaso engagungqiyo koongxowankulu kufuneka izibonakalise ngezenzo
zenzo kukucudisela abasebenzi ngeenjongo zokuba oongxowankulu bakwazi
ukufumana kangangoko benako kula mandla abasebenzi. Oku kulungiselela
oongxowankulu ngokucinezelela abasebenzi kubangela ukuba i-ANC iphulukane
nenxaso eninzi kubasebenzi. Njengemibutho yonke yobuzwe phantsi
kobungxowankulu, i-ANC izilungiselela ikufumana ivoti eqinileyo
kubantu abakudidi oluphakathi (middle class), abamnyama nabamhlophe.
U-Pik Botha ukujoyina kwakhe i-ANC wayiveza kakuhle le nto ngokubiza
bonke abamhlophe ingakumbi abantetho isisiBhulu ukuba bajoyine i-ANC
kuba kulapho iimfuno zabo zikhuseleke khona.
abamhlophe ebebengayiboni le nto bayakufumana ithuba lokuyibona
kobubudlelwane be-ANC ne-NNP. Obu budlelwane bubonakalisa ukuyela
kwe-ANC se-SACP ngasekunene, ingekuko ukuquka kwe-NNP. Ubudlelwane
obuthe obusesidlangalaleni ne-NNP bunganika i-ANC iqonga lokugaya
kudidi lwabaphakathi nabasebenzi abamhlophe namnyana abaxhasa i-NNP.
inxaso yoludidi xa iqinile ekumiliseleni inqubo yobungxowankulu
obuxhaswa ngokupheleleyo ngoongxowankulu abakhulu behlabathi. Oku
kuthetha ukucinezela abasebenzi ngokungenalusini. Yile nto ibeka
ucinezelelo kwiinkokheli ze-COSATU ne-SACP (ingakumbi eze-COSATU)
uziva zithetha ngokungavumelani ne-ANC kwimiba efana “ethile
efana ne-GEAR”. Ukuqhawuka kobudlelwane be-ANC nale mibutho
mibini (neenqubo zayo ezicinezela abasebenzi) buyakudla i-ANC iivoti
ezivakalayo ngexesha lolonyulo. Esi ingasesinye sezizathu zobudlelwane
obusesidlangalaleni ne-NNP namhlanje. Xa iphulukana nale nxaso yabasebenzi
i-ANC iyakubaqinisa ulawulo lwayo epalamente ngenxaso yodidi oluphakathi
(ingakumbi olusuka kwabamhlophe ebasweleyo ngokwangoku).
mabazame ukuzikhulula kwimibutho yobungxowankulu efana ne-ANC ne-NNP.
Mabaqalise ngoku ukwakha umbutho wabo ozimeleyo wokulwa ubungxowankulu
njengenqubo ebangela ubukhoboka babo. Oko kungenzeka ngokuthi bazikhuphe
kwimibutho efana ne-SACP emele oongxowankulu egameni lobukomanisi
bamilisele imibutho ekhulula abasebenzi ngaphandle kokwakha ubungxowankulu
ngokucinezela abasebenzi. Iinkokheli ze-COSATU eemfuno zazo zikuburhulumente
bobungxowankulu ngetikiti le-ANC mazikhatyelwe ngaphandle ngabasebenzi
ngokonyula iinkokheli ezilwela iimfuno zabasebenzi.
zingabonakala ngokuthi zimele ukuqhawula ubudlelandawonye phakathi
kwe-COSATU nemibutho emele ubungxowankulu eyi-ANC ne-SACP. Akwanelanga
ukulwela ukuqhawulwa kobudlelwane bobukhoboka phakathi kwe-ANC/SACP/COSATU
koko kufanele ukuba ezi nkokheli zixhase ngokupheleleyo inqubo ezimeleyo
yabasebenzi yokutshabalalisa ubungxowankulu kumiliselwe ubudlelandawonye
obusekwa phezu koburhulumente obumele abasebenzi. Sibiza ulutsha
ukuba luzimanye nathi kweli dabi lokulwela ihlabathi elingenabacinezeli
nabazinelwa. Ukulibazisa ukwenza oku kuyakufana nesibetho kubantwana
bethu nanjengoko beyakujongana noxanduva olwayekelwa sithi.
NGOMBUTHO WABASEBENZI WOKULWA UBUNGXOWANKULU PHAMBILI!!!
the Medical Research Council (MRC) report on Aids [September 2001]
this report was part funded by Bristol-Myers-Squibb, one of the
major drug monopolies in the world, shows one of the contradictions
of capitalism. These capitalists seek a market for their products,
thus it is in their interest that the extent of the Aids pandemic
in South Africa is exposed. Has this exposure led the drug monopolies
to offer unlimited free treatment to all those infected? NO. They
merely want to help create an increased demand for their products.
the agenda of the ANC government fundamentally different from that
of the Bristol-Myers-Squibbs of the world? NO. The persistent refusal
of the government to provide free treatment to all HIV infected
people means that the law of the capitalist jungle still prevails-
those who have the means, will buy treatment, at a rate that gives
maximum profit to the drug cartel; the rest will die! [see the article
in our April-June 2001 edition on The spread of Aids and the role
of the drug monopolies]
Although disputed by the government the figures
below tell their own story.
Here are some of the startling statistics from the MRC report:
1. The proportion of infection among the population has gone from
1% in 1990 to 25% by the year 2000;
2. South Africa has the highest incidence of HIV infection in the
3. HIV-related deaths are the biggest single cause of death today
4. By 2010 HIV related death would be at least double any other
cause of death;
5. By 2010 a minimum of 5 –7 million more people would have
died from Aids;
6. Since 1985, the rate of death among men between the ages of 30-40
7. Since 1985 the rate of death among women between the ages of
20-35 has increased by between 2 ½ –3 ½ times.
The tragic irony of the MRC report is that it is drawn from the
government’s own statistics.
Down with capitalism!
Build the revolutionary working class party!
Forward to Socialism!
SANDF TROOPS OUT OF BURUNDI!
South African National Defence force troops were sent to Burundi
to oversee the setting up of a Government of National Unity. Are
they there to ensure that the slaughterers of millions are brought
to book? NO.
are there to ensure that the very mass murderers are incorporated
into the state machine, getting a share of the spoils with the other
nationalist groups. Their common mission: to ensure capitalist ‘stability’
so that capitalism imperialism can extract the maximum profits from
the working class in the divided region.
SA troops out of Burundi!
Forward to the building of a revolutionary working class party in
Burundi as part of the rebuilding of the Fourth International!
Forward to Socialism!
days of activism for women
was very fashionable to be part of the support of 16 days of ‘activism’
for women. There was something crucial missing though. For all the
supposed care for abuse against women, no one raised how the capitalist
system fundamentally entrenches the oppression of women. Here is
some food for thought: [according to the 1996 census]
· There are 2 million more men in employment than women
· Of the almost 4 million women in employment, about 1 million
earn between 0 –R500 per month, and almost half the total
number of women in employment earn less then R1000 per month
a Socialist society, with every adult sharing the work and a planned
economy based on the needs of the whole society, the socio-economic
base for abuse will be wiped out. Now there’s something to
actively work for!
And then there was the oil ……..
Our previous positions on the struggle in Afghanistan had one glaring
omission, the question of oil. There have been various writings
now on the huge oil and gas reserves in the Caspian basin [the areas
from Uzbekistan and related ‘states’ of the Russian
Federation up to the Caspian sea]. Whoever controls these reserves
will have a decisive say in the massively expanding Chinese economy.
It is for this particular reason that US imperialism wants to have
complete control of any regime in Afghanistan, which is next to
the Caspian basin. So to achieve their aims, US imperialism supported
the ultra-violent Northern Alliance to get rid of the Taliban [the
favorites of US imperialism until recently]. US imperialism will
keep on working hard until they get a regime that is completely
under their thumb. An ancient king was even wiped of cobwebs and
hauled out of the cupboard. This is the imperialist campaign for
infinite justice. Sounds actually as a campaign for infinite injustice.
rapid fall of the Taliban is not due to the strength of imperialism
but the fact that the Taliban regime was never popularly supported
by the Afghan masses. As a subplot, until recently, the Bush and
Bin Laden families both had shares in the same US military company.
And those speculators, who profited from the 11th September attacks,
will of course never be named!
future of the peoples of the region lies in the hands firstly of
the working classes of the region, and more broadly in the hands
of the working classes of the world.
IMPERIALIST TROOPS OUT OF AFGHANISTAN!
DEFEND THE PEOPLE OF AFGHANISTAN!
FORWARD TO THE BUILDING OF A REVOLUTIONARY WORKING CLASS PARTY IN
AFGHANISTAN AS PART OF THE REBUILDING OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL!
FORWARD TO SOCIALISM!
The struggle in Palestine
As we predicted, that US imperialism’s sudden interest in
an independent Palestinian state was purely opportunistic. They
wanted to get support for their campaign of terror in Afghanistan
and to minimize other areas of resistance to imperialism. Now that
the Taliban regime has been smashed, the old monster that we know
has emerged: US imperialism fully and openly supports the murderous
attack by the Sharon regime against the Palestinian masses –
forgotten is the supposed ‘democratic’ defence of the
Palestinian right to self determination.
Arafat? He declares an emergency in the Gaza Strip and West Bank
after the suicide attacks by alleged Hamas militants in early December.
He puts some of the remaining Hamas leaders under house arrest and
rounds up several militants. Why was there no emergency declared
when the Israeli state intensified their murderous occupation of
the Gaza strip and West Bank? Whose interest is Arafat serving?
WITH US IMPERIALISM-ISRAELI STATE VIOLENCE!
FORWARD TO A UNIFIED PALESTINIAN STATE [ALONG PRE-1947 BORDERS]
FORWARD TO A FEDERATION OF SOCIALIST STATES IN THE MIDDLE EAST WITH
BORDERS DETERMINED BY THE RESPECTIVE WORKING CLASSES, ACROSS RELIGIOUS
AND NATIONALISTIC BARRIERS!
FORWARD TO THE BUILDING OF A PALESTINIAN REVOLUTIONARY WORKING CLASS
PARTY ACROSS RELIGIOUS AND OTHER BARRIERS [BE THEY JEWISH, MUSLIM
OR CHRISTIAN OR OTHERWISE]
FORWARD TO THE REBUILDING OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL!
FORWARD TO SOCIALISM!
Willingly selling out!
Didiza, Minister of Land Affairs, recently said that the government
will stick to the principle of “willing seller”, “willing
buyer” in order to address the question of land redisbtribution.
That is, only if a fatcat landowner wants to sell his ill-gotten
land, then the government will negotiate a price to buy the land
and then make it available for ‘redistribution’.
us refresh her memory: 87% of the land was expropriated and put
in the hands of the capitalist minority through the 1913 land Act.
It is the ANC that is offering itself (willing seller) to any capitalist
(willing buyer) to sellout on the most basic demands of the working
class and fellow poor!
The SA Airways recently said that they have to retrench staff to
show their commitment and fairness. They say that black managers
will replace white ones, while workers of all colours have to go.
Heaven help us from the days when SAA is being unfair!
THE HERO TO THE CAPITALISTS,
A VILLAIN TO THE WORKING CLASS
It is nothing new for the middle class to ride on the back of the
working class. They make themselves heroes of the working class
through their media, education etc. The bitter truth is that Modise
was a traitor to the working class he claimed to fight for.
his membership and leadership of the ANC has nothing to do with
the interests of the working class. He was only concerned with self-interest.
This meant getting on the good side of the capitalist class. In
other words he showed typical characteristics of the ANC leadership.
the exiled ANC members the man was notorious about his abuse of
power. As the commander of MK they say he led many revolutionaries
to the death traps of SADF. Under his leadership MK fighters who
went to exile to get military training so that they can come back
and fight for their liberation, found themselves led into abuse
of drugs and alcohol and other addictive substances. These were
conditions that were set up deliberately by Modise and Co. to destabilise
the revolutionary spirit of the youth of the 1980s. By his conduct
it could be seriously questioned who Modise was really working for.
cadres were surprised to find themselves in the hands of SADF before
they can start their operation, as detailed information about operations
was kept by the top command only. In addition, Modise and his cabinet
in exile spent most of the youth’s revolutionary spirit on
the Namibian War of Independence along the borders of Angola promoting
a nationalist movement, SWAPO that was to betray the Namibian working
class. We do not need to mention the Quatro Prison conditions Modise
and Co. put their own members into when they showed signs of rebelling
against the undemocratic practices within the ANC in exile.
was part of the deal that sold the struggle of the South African
working class to the imperialism capitalism. When he was the Minister
of Defence he got on well with General Meiring as they had everything
in common. In fact it was the rejoining of the old friends that
acknowledged their friendship publicly for the first time. He sold
MK and APLA combatants, preventing them from integration into the
SANDF because they did not have matric. Recently those who were
left out of the SANDF closed the borders of Botswana/South Africa,
demanding their inclusion. The racist generals had parties and racist
celebrations under him. Who can forget their celebration of the
Cassinga Massacre? This was the celebration of the death of women
and children of SWAPO guerillas who could not flee the camps while
the soldiers SWAPO guerillas escaped with their lives. We do not
have to remind ourselves of Tempe shootings in the army he is alleged
to have successfully integrated. One of his major tasks was sending
SA troops to defend imperialist interests in Lesotho and to crush
a rebellion there.
in what position in society was he when he died? - A capitalist,
possibly a millionaire. (but clever millionaires do not reveal their
full assets in public). He was in the businesses of taking over
outsourced services from state assets [privatization]. One of them
is the traffic and high tech security company he ran under the disguise
of black of empowerment. Just how deeply was he involved in the
mutli-billion rand arms deal? This is his contribution to our so-called
‘freedom’. An ex-combatant was over heard to say, when
asked to comment on his death: “Go to hell Modise!!!”