Towards an assessment of the campaign in defence of the masses in Gaza and for a free, united Palestine

In order to understand the genocidal attacks by the imperialist-backed Zionist forces on the masses in Gaza in July –Sept 2014, we have to look at the general state of the international class struggle, the offensive and strategies and tactics of imperialism on the one hand and the resistance by the masses, on the other.

We need to look at who sustains Israel and why. Then we need to look at why imperialism chose to launch this attack and how and why they were forced to withdraw their troops. What were the strengths of the campaign and what are the constraining factors? What is the real role of BDS? How do we develop a working class line and prepare for the way forward? These are just some of the questions that we need to address. This is an overview and feedback and detailed responses are most welcome.

The current international crisis of capitalism

From about the year 1900 the entire world had been divided up among the main imperialist powers. This opened up a period of capitalist decay as the only way monopoly capital could grow was through the direct clash with another imperialist power. Thus began a period of wars, civil wars and indeed revolutions and counter-revolutions. While this or that technical advance has happened, the overall trend of capitalism has been downwards.

By 1989, when the Berlin Wall fell and many of the Stalinist states imploded and capitalist counter-revolution came to dominate the ex-workers’ states, monopoly capital was triumphant- they claimed from the rooftops that Socialism had failed and that capitalism was the only way forward.

The SACP and ANC leaders used this setback to justify holding back the masses in 1994 to reach a compromise agreement to leave monopoly capital in control of the wealth. Around the world, the capitalists increased their offensive on the masses. The capitalists soon were hit with a crisis in 1997 and then again in 2001. Many US workers lost their pensions and savings in the Dotcom implosion (they were encouraged to invest in the many IT firms that sprang up like mushrooms, only to lose much of their money when most of these firms collapsed). Thus in 2003, when US imperialism manufactured an excuse to invade Iraq, there was already growing discontent among the US masses and the rank and file soldiers.

The period from 2001 onwards opened up a stage when commodity prices were artificially raised- wheat, grain, and food prices were pushed up; the price of oil and other basic commodities was also forced up.  We could argue that the Iraq invasion which cost more than $3 trillion ($3000 billion) flowed directly from the capitalist crisis and its need to create an artificial area for profits.

House prices rose without a real growth in actual production. Once again many US workers were lured into taking out loans on their property and in buying new property at artificially high prices. At the same time, manufacturing production was shut down in the US and shifted to slave factories in China. With rising unemployment, the masses in the US and elsewhere in Europe and around the globe could not repay their debts and the world capitalist economy went into deep crisis in 2008 and has been in crisis ever since. Hundreds of millions of workers lost their jobs; many had their pay and pensions cut and many of the public sector entities and services were privatised. The capitalist regimes around the world launched attack upon attack on the masses. This has resulted in every capitalist regime being under threat of revolt from the masses in every part of the globe. In areas where the regimes had been open dictatorships for a long time, these latest attacks proved to be the last straw. The masses rose up and overthrew Mubarak, Ben Ali and Gaddafi; revolts against Assad and the regimes in Bahrain and Yemen are still underway. Partial revolts have occurred in China (over 100 000 strikes in 2012), Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, Mexico, Central African Republic, Mozambique, Zambia, Thailand, many countries in Europe and even in Namibia and South Africa. The traditional leaderships  are all under threat and are discredited. The occupation of Tahrir Square in Egypt became globalised in the sense that these protests and the setting up tent towns in the middle of cities, spread to Spain and Portugal and helped spark the Occupy Wall Street movement in the USA. Even in Israel in 2012, tens of thousands of youth began to set up tent towns, calling for decent housing and jobs. While these youth were not directly supporting the Palestinian cause, they did not call for the demolition of Palestinian homes; in fact they identified the Israeli elite as being the problem. This marked a significant split in the base of the Israeli state, who for decades could rely on a united, reactionary base. In the USA, the Occupy Wall Street movement also marked a split in the reactionary base that US imperialism had depended upon for many years to terrorise and oppress the masses of the world. At one time more than half the US population supported the Occupy Wall street movement, including the military veterans’ organizations. Thus even the army and intelligence apparatus in the US was split, as highlighted by the cases of Bradley Manning, Edward Snowden and the marches of military veterans in the streets, tossing away their medals.

Since 2011 the US military has been constrained by the revolt of the masses on home soil to such an extent that they are unable to directly militarily intervene anywhere in the world. Thus, there has been a growing trend for imperialism to use mercenaries and to increase their use of drones. The Israeli army is also facing the same pressures and could not even get enough soldiers locally to fight in their invasion of Gaza in July 2014; they had to depend on 6000 recruits from around the world. They have also increased their usage of drones. Israel now produces 40% of the world’s drones.


When the capitalist regime of Yanushenko in Ukraine had lost control over the masses, imperialism installed a fascist regime. When the fascist regime sent the army to suppress the uprising, the armed forces split and many went over to the side of the masses. This is the danger in any fascist dictatorship under current world conditions, namely that a section of the army would go over to the masses. Now imperialism faced an even bigger problem: not only that the masses are not under the control of any of their traditional leaderships (they are all discredited in the eyes of the masses in Ukraine) but these same masses have arms and were starting to defeat the fascist forces and advance on the capital, Kiev.

Under these circumstances, imperialism directed the Russian regime led by Putin to invade Ukraine to try and win the leadership of the revolt in order to maintain a capitalist regime. We should remember that the masses there have a historical memory of nationalised property relations. Within days, Putin made a deal for a ‘ceasefire’ with the fascist regime. The net effect of this was to halt the advance of the masses on Kiev. The fighting is still continuing but the Russian regime is holding the masses back.

If the independent masses were to seize power in Ukraine, the entire region’s capitalist regimes, including the Russian one, is under threat.

Thus, one of the lessons here is that imperialism will plant reactionary forces, in this case fascist forces, within the masses in order to side track it from successfully overthrowing capitalist regimes. However fascism carries dangers that the army may split and a decisive part may go over to the masses.  Imperialism will even use the credibility of the Russian regime to invade a country like Ukraine, to prevent revolution, to hold the masses back from seizing power.

Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (Levant) ISIS/ISIL

Since 2003 imperialism has maintained control of the masses in Iraq through deliberately dividing them into Sunni, Shia and Kurd, even though for generations they have been inter-marrying.

 British soldiers are on record for having placed car bombs in markets and places of worship to deliberately fuel fighting between sects. For years such killing has continued. Recently the Iraqi masses started rising against their regime (not only in the north, as the capitalist media portrays it).

At the same time the masses have been waging a 3 year war against the brutal Assad regime in Syria. After the toppling of Ben Ali, Mubarak and Gaddafi, imperialism has been desperate to stop the wave of toppling of the capitalist regimes by the masses. Increasingly, imperialism has depended on more open brute force and also on infiltration of the mass resistance to prevent a toppling of their puppet regimes. Where leaders were toppled, imperialism has done everything they could to maintain their capitalist regime, albeit with a different face at the head (Libya, Tunisia and Egypt).

Thus in Syria imperialism has created the heads of the free Syrian Army (FSA)out of ex members and generals of the Assad regime; they have also created the Syrian National Council (SNC) out of the capitalist ‘opposition’ in Syria- these are desperate attempts to hold back the masses and sidetrack them from seizing power. The masses in Syria have been largely isolated by the world’s left and capitalist forces. But despite this, Assad has not defeated the resistance, despite them suffering the most horrible of onslaught by the combined forces of Assad, Iran and Hezbollah.

The regimes in Qatar and Saudi Arabia are funding ISIS. Assad released hundreds of murderers and rapists to join ISIS. The ISIS ranks also include Zionists (this is clear after the discovery that some of ISIS were members of an Israeli youth soccer team).  ISIS is a split from Al Qaeda and thus it is a creation of US imperialism. The aim of ISIS is to destroy the resistance against the capitalist regimes in Iraq and Syria. The Iraqi army deliberately withdrew to allow ISIS to get hold of weapons and funds. These weapons are from the US military. ISIS has been campaigning through hostage taking and imperialism has been paying out huge sums to them. ISIS has taken over oil installations but imperialism has no problem- the oil price is even falling (at the time of going to press).

Now imperialism has just decided to fund the ‘moderates’ in the Syrian resistance. Thus not only is imperialism arming both ‘sides’  (ISIS and the FSA) but in reality they are making sure that the independent militias do not get weapons. The masses in Syria and Iraq are being strangled by the different tactics of imperialism.

Despite all of the attempts by imperialism, the masses in Syria and Iraq are still combatting their regimes. One of the lessons to draw here is that imperialism will use force when its agents are discredited and they will build up new  agencies within the resistance in order to sidetrack it. Even if the masses succeed in toppling a capitalist leader, imperialism will try to maintain the apparatus that keeps the masses under control.

BDS- Boycott Disinvestment and Sanctions, and the Palestine campaign

There is a popular myth that sanctions and disinvestment helped bring the apartheid regime down. The truth is that the very same companies that supposedly disinvested, had made massive profits out of their support of the regime when the mass organisations had been smashed. They only reason why they took their capital out was not out of sympathy for the masses but out of fear that they would lose everything. Some changed names (from Barclays to First National Bank; from Mobil to Engen, etc) but behind the scenes, the same rotten capitalists still remained in control.

What BDS does is place the future of Palestine in the hands of the capitalists; it is an appeal to the major exploiters to support Palestine; in other words, the future of Palestine is taken out of the hands of the masses and placed in the hands of the very same capitalists who are sustaining Israel.

Further, most of the campaigns around boycott are passive- all people do is sit at home and do not buy this or that product. Thus it provides a cover to the leadership of the workers’ movement to hide behind when they call for BDS- in fact they are not mobilising their members into direct action against the capitalists. While mouthing BDS, these same leaderships can portray themselves as being progressive even though they have done nothing and in fact continue in deed of cutting deals with the capitalists when workers force them into periodic actions.

Thus it is no accident that the BDS campaign in South Africa is dominated by the ANC. BDS played the leading role in uniting the various Palestine groups around the country in order to attempt to turn the movement into a blunt edge, which would keep capitalism intact. It was also to ensure that the leadership of the pro-Palestine movement remained in the hands of the ANC and other pro-capitalist elements; it was to ensure that no independent leadership of the movement for Palestine developed. Even at the NC4P (National Coalition for Palestine) meeting where the boycott Woolworths campaign was discussed, the leading BDS people had to be forced into agreeing with the campaign and even then it was against the retailer with the smallest imports from Israel. Thus the aim of BDS is to keep the masses off the streets and then to ensure that the capitalist system is not threatened. Even the mass march of the 9th Aug 2014 in Cape Town, when over 200 000 people from all beliefs turned up to protest against the ANC govt inaction over the genocide in Gaza, the BDS hijacked the platform and handed it over to the govt, and did not even hand over a memorandum of demands.  This is in keeping with tactics of imperialism that where they cannot prevent mass action they would  infiltrate the movement of the masses in order to sidetrack it, prevent any real threat to the regime by placing pro-capitalist elements at the leadership and suppressing independent, working pro-Palestinian forces.

The Marikana massacre and the biggest mineworkers strike in the history of the country, that followed it, showed how the core of the ANC, the mineworkers, had broken from it and started on an independent path. This break of the masses from the ANC took more advanced form in Dec 2013 when the Numsa Congress formalised the break and started preparations for a new workers’ party.

The recent founding conference of the NC4P decided it would not campaign against the govt but would merely pressure it. Thus the ANC and its imperialist masters have succeeded in neutering the NC4P at birth. Despite all the shortcomings of the NC4P there are a number of activists among the masses who are independent of the ANC and a number of ANC members who really oppose the practice of the ANC govt. The NC4P remains an important area to work in but on the basis of breaking from the passive BDS and taking up a working class line. There is still a real possibility of uniting the pro-Palestine activists nationally in an action campaign.

Why was Israel created and who sustains it?

During the period of the second world imperialist war (1939-1945) a huge section of the masses in the world were carrying arms. At the same time, with the discovery of oil in the Middle East, imperialism needed to suppress the masses there to ensure its complete control. Further, imperialism needed a dumping ground for all the impoverished Jews who were fleeing the Nazi terror. There had also been a number of revolutionary revolts by Palestinians in the 1930’s.

All of these factors led to imperialism deliberately partitioning Palestine, to create Israel in 1948, through a war of dispossession. Hundreds of Palestinian villages were destroyed and almost a million Palestinians were driven from their homes. Not only was Israel to suppress the revolutionary Palestinian masses, but to act as a fascist jackboot over the masses in the entire Middle East. The French, US and British oil companies and banks were all able to profit from the division and suppression of the masses in the Middle East. The main imperialist banks that control the oil companies are also the main banks that invest in Israel (Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase, Deutsche bank, Bear Sterns, Credit Suisse, AIG and Merrill Lynch). These banks are also major shareholders in the hundreds of imperialist companies that deal with Israel. They support Israel as it is in their interest to keep the masses in the region under control. As oil is used throughout the capitalist world, the entire capitalist world depends on sustaining of fascist Israel. This shows that modern capitalism depends on barbarism to sustain itself and is based on the suppression of even the most basic bourgeois democratic demands (the suppression of the right of return of the 5 million Palestinian refugees is but one example; the  genocide in the DRC where over 6 million people were killed since 1996, is another. The genocide in the DRC is what sustains capitalist super-profits in the cell phone, tablet and computer industry as most of the raw materials for these commodities come from that country ).

This shows that the task of defeating Zionism-fascism is immediately an international task of the world working class. We could even generalise that the attainment of full democratic demands is not possible without the working class taking power and also requires the support of the international working class.

Israel as an artificial state

Without the support of world imperialism Israel would collapse overnight. From 1952 to 1966 almost 90% of its total income was from forced reparations that the West German state had to pay to it. Thus all the so-called kibbutzim (farming collectives) were a hoax from the start, being subsidized from the sweat of the German working class. For many decades US imperialism gives, every year, $2 bn, to Israel for its arms industry- this is besides the billions given every year to Israel from the imperialist corporations.

Even as recently as 2013 its debt was 70% of GDP; despite all the support of imperialism the only way the Israeli state survives is through the support of the international banks. If it was any country in Africa with such amount of debt, they would have been charged huge interest rates and regarded as a failed state; not so with Israel.

Anglo American deliberately diverts 80% of the world’s diamonds through Israel even not a single diamond is mined there, thereby propping up the state. Another major part of the Israeli economy is made up of the arms industry. About 25% of Israeli exports are weapons. Thus the Israeli economy needs wars if it is to grow. It is not an accident therefore that since 2000 there have been more wars waged by Israel than in previous recent years. The ‘mowing the lawn’ phenomenon by the Israeli state, ie repeated attacks on Gaza every few years, are not just politically motivated by the need to crush the masses, but also a requirement for the growth of the Israeli economy. This also partly explains why the IDF carpet-bombed civilians in Gaza in its recent invasion- it helps to boost the profits of the Israeli elite who run its arms industry. Increasing number of wars since 2001 is a reflection of the deep crisis of the world capitalist economy. These wars pose a risk to the capitalist class and imperialism, as Ukraine shows, significant sections of the army may go over to the side of the masses, opening up the prospect of working class revolution.

Without the support of imperialism-capitalism, Zionism-fascism would not exist.

The plan of imperialism was always for a ‘no-state’ of Palestine

It follows from the reasons for Israel being created, namely that its purpose is to divide and suppress the masses in the Middle East, that from the beginning, imperialism never had any intention of a ‘2-state solution’ between Israel  and what was left of historic Palestine.

Further, the history of the siege against Gaza since 2007 shows that imperialism will not allow any form of real independence for Palestinians (a so-called 2-state ‘solution’) even in a tiny area. The Palestinians have a long history of anti-imperialist struggle and allowing any real free expression of the Palestinians will mean that the reactionary leadership of the PLO (which currently heads the Palestinian Authority- PA) would be swept away. Thus one of the main forces that imperialism and the Israeli elite depend upon to control the Palestinian masses, would be cast away. This would open up a period of unrestrained revolt against, not only the Israeli regime but all the capitalist regimes in the region.

Imperialism also opposes a 1-state ‘solution’ as the elite would be threatened by the return of the 5 million Palestinian refugees. Imagine if an election was held and the Palestinian masses gained control of the state apparatus, the highly developed industry and the weapons of the 4th biggest army in the world. Imperialism cannot allow capitalist democracy of a unified 1-state, even with a limited ‘South African option’ where the old elite are guaranteed control of all the wealth.

With Israel, the main aim of imperialism is to keep the Middle East masses permanently destabilised and to reduce Palestinian areas to slave camps.

What forced the imperialists to instruct the zionist army to withdraw from Gaza?

The Netanyahu regime was on the point of collapse when it instigated the invasion of Gaza to divert attention from itself and forcing a temporary unity among the elite in Israel. Imperialism backed this invasion, thinking that the response from the world’s masses would be as fragmented as in the case of Syria and Egypt. They miscalculated.

·         With all the capitalist regimes already facing a threat from their respective masses, the Gaza genocide and the blatant brutality of the Zionist slaughter provoked a further political challenge against them (the regimes). Tens of millions, if not hundreds of millions of the world’s masses began to protest against the genocide, in what was one of the biggest world-wide protest movements in recent history, bigger even than the anti-war movement against the invasion of Iraq in 2003.

·         In the past, imperialism and the treacherous leaders within the workers’ movement had managed to isolate the resistance to a largely Muslim base- not so this time. It would be fair to say that the billions of the oppressed and exploited masses around the world at the very least, sympathised with the Palestinian cause;

·         In the past 15 years the Israeli state has come to be seen as a repeat offender against the Palestinian masses;

·         Even within the USA, about 50% of the youth openly proclaimed they supported Palestine (and this was not support for a Bantustan but for historic Palestine).

·         Hundreds of holocaust survivors signed an open letter condemning the genocide and supporting the right of return of the 5 million Palestinian refugees- this has helped the masses world wide to draw parallels between the nazi holocaust and the zionist genocide against Palestinians;

·         Such was the resistance among the Jewish Israeli youth that the state could not get enough volunteers for the invasion and had to import 6000 mercenaries from around the world;

·         There was a new wave of refuseniks who distanced themselves from the invasion; There were several demonstrations in Israel, including 7000  in Tel Aviv against the invasion; in addition, with each body bag coming back (there were at least 100 Israeli soldiers killed) it caused greater divisions in the Jewish masses;

·         Despite the Mercosur (the central and south American economic community) having a free trade agreement with Israel, such was the pressure from the masses locally that some of them were forced to withdraw their ambassadors from Israel and were forced to make public statements against Israel, despite continuing trade links with it. Even the Turkish regime, a close ally of Israel and the USA, was forced to publicly condemn the attacks on Gaza, while maintaining military and trade links; These regimes were forced to publicly oppose Israel in order for them to remain at the political head of the masses;

·         The working class in Oakland organised the longest blockade ever of a Zim Israeli shipping company; this was just the start, the masses were growing bolder and bolder in their actions the longer the invasion went on; such worker actions were beginning to spread throughout the world;

·         Such was the growth in awareness on a world scale that a whole new generation of youth had now come to realise the true fascist nature of Israel and came to support Palestine. Israel and zionism had overnight become a swearword, not only in the minds of the activists but also in most of the world’s population;

·         In South Africa a split developed in the ANC, with the base supporting Palestine but the leaders supporting Israel (due to their own vested interests). The laid the basis for the unity in action of the broader masses which culminated in the biggest march in the history of South Africa over any issue, over 200 000 marching to parliament on the 9th August. What was significant was that the best of the Zionist youth, the heads of the SA debating team openly came out to condemn the genocide in Gaza and aligning themselves with the Palestinians. Hundreds of local Jews also joined the march to parliament, showing that among Jewish ranks there was a growing revulsion and protest against Zionism. At that stage there were daily protest happening throughout the country in many cities. Due to the inexperience of the new leadership of the National Coalition 4Palestine and due to the leadership of the BDS, the march was turned into a platform for reactionary leaders to claim control and to push a pro-capitalist agenda, posing pro-Palestine while in deed they were carrying out the agenda of their capitalist masters. The platform was hijacked by ANC govt ministers thanks to BDS and no memorandum was even handed over. Speeches praising the ANC govt were the order of the day but the masses were not impressed, the masses had come to demand action from the ANC govt. The longer the invasion went on there was every likelihood of an open revolt against the ANC govt. Such was the pressure on the govt that they were forced to claim that they would prosecute SA citizens who serve in the IDF. The reality is that the prosecution of SA citizens was started by the Action Forum and the Runners for Palestine, not the ANC. Despite this, the longer the invasion went on, the greater the pressure would be on the ANC govt to actually carry out its verbal ‘threat’ and thus the greater would be its exposure over its inaction. The longer the invasion went on, the greater would be the exposure of the role of the ANC govt as a lackey of imperialism and supporter of Zionism.

·         We note that the Action Forum was set up as an international organization comprising activists from West bank, Gaza, South Africa and other parts of the world. This was a reflection of the international character of the resistance against Zionism and imperialism;

·         The longer the invasion was going on the more the masses were beginning to openly revolt against Abass and the PA (Palestinian Authority) which acts as the local security agency for the Zionists. If the PA had been overthrown, who would then hold back the Palestinian masses from generalised revolt against the Zionist state?

·         The longer the invasion was going on, the more the Arab regimes were coming under threat- each of them  have verbally expressed support for Palestine, so that they could be seen as progressive in the eyes of the local masses. Each day more protests were happening and the inaction of the Arab regimes was rapidly getting the masses to see the real position of their govts, namely as being total lackeys of imperialism; These Arab regimes are already under threat and possibly this recent attack on Gaza could have provided the final spark for a revolution against them. Here, the Assad regime, the Jordanian monarchy, the Hezbollah, the Egyptian military junta,  the Saudi regimes and Emirates, were all coming under increasing threat from the masses;

·         The worldwide sales of Coca Cola were affected; in SA the masses spontaneously boycotted Pick ‘n Pay and Coke, as well as McDonald’s and KFC. The biggest impact was on Woolworths who lost an estimated over R100 million in lost sales due to the boycott that the independent Palestine groups imposed on BDS; there was the beginning of discussions of worker blockades but before these could get off the ground the invasion had been called off;

·         Finally but by no means least, the deliberate targeting of civilians by the Zionist army helped to unite all the Gaza masses irrespective if many of them were critical of the Hamas govt (and of the Hamas-PA unity govt); the Zionist army were not just fighting the militants but the entire population united against the invaders. This was also reflected in the unity of all the resistance groups against the Zionist army. The resistance had also partially drawn the lessons of when the Zionist army had been defeated when they invaded Lebanon in 2006 (eg they had received training and were more accurate in their mortar fire against tanks; they had dug defensive tunnels to enable them to move behind enemy positions in Gaza and launch surprise attacks, etc). The resistance were able to inflict the biggest number of casualties (over 100 and possibly over 200 IDF soldiers killed by the resistance). It is likely that the Zionist army itself was seriously split as some of them were even shooting their own soldiers. The deliberate bombing by IDF commanders and killing of their own soldier who had been taken hostage by the resistance would also have deepened divisions in the ranks of the Zionist army as well as the Jewish masses back home.  

Based on all of these factors, imperialism ordered the Zionist army to retreat. They were defeated on local and international scale, a much bigger defeat than in 2006 in Lebanon.

Shortcomings of the campaign and steps towards a way forward

The main problem was the Hamas policy of urban guerrilla warfare. What follows from this policy is that it is left to a handful of fighters to liberate the masses- the masses are reduced to spectators in their own liberation. Hamas leaders create the illusion of a ‘military solution’ to the conflict in isolation from a mass revolt of the Palestinian and Jewish masses against the Israeli regime. The Hamas policy of firing rockets at Jewish civilians flows from a mistaken perspective of Hamas that all Jewish masses support the Israeli elite and that there are no class differences among the Jewish masses.  This targeting of Jewish civilians helped the Zionist regime to blur the class lines by claiming they stood for all the interests of the Jewish masses (‘Israel is under attack’).  The overthrow of the Israeli regime requires the support of decisive sections of the Jewish masses and a split in the Zionist army. The attacks on Jewish civilians make support or even neutrality by the Jewish masses very difficult, if not almost impossible. In fact the attacks help the Zionist regime recruit youth in Israel and around the world as cannon fodder for their wars against the Palestinian and Middle Eastern masses. These attacks made it very difficult for the working class forces to mobilise resistance in Israel against the Gaza invasion. Even when there was a mass peace rally in Tel Aviv of 7000 people against the Gaza genocide, it was cut short because the resistance had fired rockets into Israel. The very forces who could have come out in support of the Palestine masses, were either driven into the arms of the reactionaries or did not come out openly against the genocide. Even on an international scale, the Hamas policy made it difficult to mobilise broader support for the Palestinians. When Hamas did finally announce it was going to only target military positions, it was very late in the day and the impression had already been created as if all Palestinians were deliberately targeting Jewish civilians. Despite all these weaknesses, the masses of the world still sympathised with the Palestinians due to the scale and barbarism of the attacks by the Zionists.  How much greater would the support from the world’s masses have been, had the resistance only targeted the IDF military. The pressure on the capitalist regimes around the world would have been much greater, not least within the imperialist centres like the USA.

We must stress that our criticism of the tactics of the Palestinian resistance does not mean that we support in any way the actions of the Zionists. We still condemn the actions of the IDF and support unconditionally the right of the Palestinians to resist the genocide by whatever means they considered necessary.

Today, the siege of Gaza, the hundreds of checkpoints in West Bank still continue, the demolition of Palestinian houses, the theft of Palestinian land continues.  Hamas is quiet. It is important to continue the campaign. We also need to reach out to the Egyptian worker in the fight against their regime and to raise the call for the Rafah border to be broken down; we also need to reach out to the masses in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon for an end to the siege.

We also did not effectively incorporate the demands of the Woolworths workers nor link up with existing struggles such as the Numsa strike and the Numsa United front and other revolts against the capitalist system.

Going forward we need to meet with workers and incorporate their demands as we move to organise workers actions to blockade Israeli goods at the docks, markets, airports (Egyptair and El Al Israeli arilines), depots and in the retail stores. At the same time, the same capitalists who are sustaining the ongoing genocide against Palestinians are the very ones who are oppressing and exploiting us. Thus it is vital that the pro-Palestine struggle be incorporated into local struggles as well. The same imperialists who are exploiting and shooting the mineworkers and other masses here are the same ones who support Israel. We need to link with workers in imperialist centres.

We hope that these points lay the basis for the development not only for further international and local, independent, worker controlled campaign in support of Palestine, but also against the entire world capitalist system, combining local and international class struggles.  

What we need more than ever, is the development of a new-revolutionary working class party, nationally and internationally. This can only arise through direct participation in the struggles of the masses.  25.9.2014 WIVP