july-august 02>>
1.Capitalism is not sustainable!
2.UBUNGXOWA NKULU ABUNAKUGCINWA
3.The SAMWU strike
4.The response of the state
5.The strike itself
6.The way forward from the strike
7.The HIV/Aids crisis
8.KOREAN BOSSES ON THE OFFENSIVE
9.On the brutal massacre of 5 petrol attendants in Grassy Park
10.We condemn the Gaza City massacre
11.Conscientious Objector Yoni Yehezkel
12.LETTER TO THE EDITOR
13.Editorial Comment
14.Floor Crossing or not: capitalism is undemocratic anyway!

15.BEWARE OF THE SACP 2nd TIME TREACHERY

Capitalism is not sustainable!

The United Nations, the UN, is hosting a summit on what they say is ‘sustainable development’. They have deliberately chosen South Africa as its hosts. Ten years ago a similar world summit was held in Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. What is common between these 2 countries to place on them the ‘honour’ of hosting this summit? Is it that these countries are shining examples of development and eradication of poverty? No, clearly not, as both top the world charts in having the highest income inequality. Since 1992, has there been massive ‘development’ in Brasil? No!

In fact there has been increasing impoverishment and a time when the Brasilian economy almost collapsed. From the Johannesburg Summit in August-September 2002, is it likely that South Africa or Africa will see massive ‘development’? Definitely not! Why do we say so? The imperialist forces that control the UN, the large monopolies from the United States, Germany, France, Britain, Japan, have endorsed a plan called Nepad. This Nepad is a sinister attack by imperialism on the working classes of Africa. If the most super-exploited continent on earth is to be completely turned into a modern slave colony, then all this talk of ‘sustainable development’ by this summit is nothing but a MASSIVE FRAUD. There is one central point to be learnt from all these failed promises of the summits of the UN, and that is that capitalism itself is not sustainable. It will not disappear out of its own, however. We need a conscious effort by the working classes of the world to help it to its grave.

The urgent setting up of a revolutionary Communist International is the only way that we will achieve Socialism. We make this call to all the class-conscious fighters in the world to rise to this historic task. Let us face this task boldly as the moment requires.

South Africa, it seems, has been chosen because the leaders of the ‘liberation movement’ have successfully nipped in the bud a revolutionary uprising against the capitalist monopolies. The labour movement leaders are sufficiently under the control of big capital, through their alliance with the state. Imperialism is rewarding their local lackeys for a job well done. The monopolies are giving their local agents a boost in the hope that capitalism will be here to stay. We examine below the essence of Nepad [New Partnership for Africa’s Development] to expose the fraud that the WSSD, the summit on ‘Sustainable Development’, really is.

Before we do this, we need to raise a point about the role of the multitude of NGO’s in the summit process. Firstly, the NGO’s in South Africa have under their control, R9 Billion per annum! This is the small change that imperialism gives to back to the working class and poor in SA, after taking out many more billions of rands in profits, every year. Even the imperialist UN acknowledges that the monopolies make their highest profits from Africa.

The role of the NGO’s is to channel the anger of the working class and fellow poor, into harmless avenues. They often support protests but will do everything in their power to direct this away from overthrowing the system of capitalism. They want controlled protest and will do all they can to dilute the demands and actions of the masses. The several months of infighting among the NGO’s over how best to water down the demands exposes their true role. We must not allow the NGO’s, the Cosatu leaders or the middle class to control the direction and demands of the working class. We should make the best use of the opportunity to building a network of fighters from across the country and build links with class fighters from other parts of the world.
NEPAD – a new partnership for Africa’s destruction!


The first striking point of Nepad is that the government leaders who drafted it, first sought approval from the imperialist governments, the G5. Afterwards, this plan was presented to the masses in Africa for implementation. Already, Nepad is the adopted programme of the African Union, the AU. The OAU, Organization for Africa Unity, had become so discredited that imperialism needed a new agency to control on their behalf in Africa, now called the AU.

Clearly, Nepad is not the plan of the working class. Such is the arrogance of the African leaders that they did not even consult the very people who had elected them; they only consulted their imperialist paymasters. When we look at what Nepad represents, we can see why. The NEPAD leaders are using their ‘legitimacy’ to carry out the plans of imperialism.

Both critics and supporters of NEPAD say that the intentions of the drafters of NEPAD, are noble and to be applauded by everyone. Those who criticise the document however, maintain that even though the program and strategies of NEPAD are flawed, the NEPAD government leaders should be engaged to make the necessary changes. The working class of South Africa and Africa must seriously question these apparent noble intentions, of all those who in essence support this program [including the above-mentioned critics].

We are told that the primary objective of NEPAD is to assist, and uplift the nearly ¾ Billion people, living on the African continent, in conditions of abject poverty, very nearly, no in fact, on the verge of dying from disease and starvation. The supporters further claim, that the program and policies of NEPAD should at least eradicate the poverty conditions of half the population living below the capitalist-defined, poverty datum line, by the year 2015.

In other words, the number of people living on $1 per day will be halved- what they do not say is that these will now get $2 per day while the majority will still be left with $1 per day, if anything at all! The desperate masses of Africa, they say, must be overjoyed by the prognosis of this new ‘wonderful’ program, which has been launched. But alas, this ‘wonderful’ new formula is nothing else but a gigantic FRAUD, designed to give new lease of life to the indigenous African Bourgeoisie [class of big capitalists] and middle classes – and an open playing field for the wholesale exploitation, oppression and repression of the working classes of Africa, by world capitalism/imperialism [the rule of the giant monopolies and banks].

Some may say that the above statement is sweeping far-left propaganda. We will prove our position in the following paragraphs by concretely analysing the various aspects of the NEPAD document.

The foundation of NEPAD is the unrestricted maintenance and extension of capitalist social, political and economic relations under the absolute domination of world imperialism. The NEPAD document boldly and UNASHAMEDLY proposes that the ‘salvation’ of the vast majority of the African mass is in fact solely dependent on Foreign Direct Investment [FDI] from imperialist companies and the rigid application of ‘free market’ [capitalist] economic relations.

For FDI to flow into Africa, the Heads of States of Africa, according to NEPAD, must give ABSOLUTE obedience to the dictates of the imperialist companies and their governments. Among other things, this means a full scale privatisation program, the selling off for a song, of the nation’s assets such as the railways, telecommunications, electricity and water supply, airways etc, which had been built up and paid for by the blood and sweat of the working masses. It means the unrestricted exploitation of the working classes; the protection of the property and wealth of the imperialist companies by the armed forces and capitalist state institutions of Africa [police, army, courts, prisons etc].

It means the free flow of capital and repatriation of profits and the non-interference by the state in any aspect of the operations of imperialist companies on African soil. The logic of these conditions is the unrestricted exploitation of the natural resources and degradation of the natural environment eg pollution; a massive onslaught on the organised working classes [a conscious attempt to minimise the strength and clout of the unions by the companies with the assistance of the state and the union leaders themselves].

It means the crushing of any opposition, organised or unorganised, political or otherwise, which may threaten the imperialist/capitalist interests. It means the whipping into line of renegade middle class elements. In a nutshell, it means the unchallenged domination of imperialism/capitalism.

The question must be asked – what is the difference between past development programes [eg the LAGOS plan of action for the economic development of Africa] and NEPAD? The differences are most revealing. The Lagos plan relied primarily on the ‘moral conscience and obligation’ of imperialist governments to provide aid [ODA Official Direct Assistance] to the governments of African countries for alleviation of poverty. In passing one must note that the depth and extent of this ‘moral conscience’ translated into rands and cents has been steadily declining. It is reported that Africa receives half the amount of foreign aid in the year 2000 than what it used to receive in the 1980’s. Aid must be seen in context: Imperialism takes out massive amounts of raw materials each year and deliberately underprices these.

Imperialism has deliberately created a dependence of Africa on their companies for basic survival. Aid is the small change that imperialism gives back from what they have carried off – just enough to keep the African masses in permanent semi-starvation, just enough to ensure the continued super-exploitation of the continent. And to further rub in salt to the wounds, this Aid comes with conditions for further exploitation of the working classes in Africa!

NEPAD on the other hand, subordinates the political rulers of Africa to the dictates of imperialism. ODA is to be replaced by ‘cost free’ private investment by the imperialist capitalist companies, with guarantees of absolute security and high returns. In other words, even this small change, the Aid, will be minimised, if not abolished! And to add insult to injury, through the mechanism of ‘peer review’ of NEPAD, any African government that does not comply with the rules and regulations set out by imperialism will be dealt with harshly, facing even military intervention by African troops on behalf of imperialist interests. [The Lesotho people have already tasted this when SA and Botswana troops invaded to protect the Lesotho Highland water project and suppressed the mutiny in the army.] No wonder the NEPAD document and initiative was so well received by the G7.

Imperialism is completely freed from any political or moral responsibility for the ensuing rape and destruction of the masses and resources in Africa. The local henchmen, ie the ruling political class, have taken full responsibility to do all the dirty work on behalf of imperialism for the sake of its material comforts and interests. The masses of Africa will be sacrificed in the name of the political and economic greed of the African middle classes.

NEPAD will ensure that the fleecing of the working classes in Africa through debt will continue. Already the US and the neo-colonial countries pay different rates of interest on their debt. The USA has a debt of $2.3 trillion while the entire neo-colonial world has a debt of $2.5 trillion. In other words the debt is about the same for the US as for all the neo-colonial countries put together. But the rate of interest for the US monopolies is so low that they will take 115 years to repay it, while the working classes in the neo-colonial countries are squeezed to repay the same amount in just over 8 years!

South Africa is a model example of the practical application of the NEPAD document. It has a ‘multi-party democracy’, an economic policy [GEAR] which was drawn up by the imperialist agencies [World Bank and IMF] and rigidly applied by the local ruling classes, and lauded [praised] by imperialism; it has managed to subdue the leadership of the organised working class, eg Cosatu and Nactu – the political left has voluntarily disarmed itself – a paradise for imperialist private investment. We are still waiting since 1996 for the avalanche of investments from imperialist companies, the promised 6% growth in the economy; the social upliftment of the destitute and the poor; even the emergence of a strong and wealthy middle class, the shining example of imperialist pride and ‘success’ is absent.

What we find is, however, the absence of any productive foreign direct investment [except speculative investment on the JSE and bond market], the ever-increasing queues of the unemployed [over a million more has been added to the queue in the last 5 years], the growing impoverishment and disintegration of the urban and rural working classes.

The attacks against the working class are on an unprecedented scale with the poor being evicted from their homes or having their furniture repossessed merely for being in arrears on water and electricity [The water and electricity has not even been privatised yet] etc; the emergence of a corrupt and weak middle class; the de-industrialisation of the economy; the virtual stagnation, if not collapse of social services; the general decay of the environment and the conditions of life of the majority of the people. This is not a transitory [temporary] scenario, but a permanent and expanding feature of imperialist capitalist policies implemented in South Africa by the ruling ANC government.

One of the famous arguments advanced by the leaders of NEPAD is that Africa has been marginalized from the global economy. The facts however prove that through the various economic policies imposed by imperialism and its agencies, and faithfully adopted and implemented by the political rulers, has made Africa more dependent on the world capitalist markets. Africa’s trade with the rest of the world accounts for 45.6% of its total economic activity; while the same ratio is only 13.3% for North America, 12.8% for Europe, 23.7% for Latin America and 15.2% for Asia [quote from the Kairos document on Nepad].

Furthermore, the dependence on the export market for the development of the economy and the productive forces, had exactly the opposite impact on the economic and social development of the African continent. By controlling the price of commodities on the world market, the imperialist companies have forced the prices so low that Africa exports 30% more today than in 1980, but earns 40% less income from these exports than in 1980. How can an export-oriented economy, dependent on the markets of the imperialist countries, develop, let alone flourish, as the NEPAD document proclaims?

It has now been revealed that the R60 Billion arms deal will produce virtually no jobs locally. These imperialist arms manufacturers are using their local investments that were long in the pipeline to get credits for the arms contracts. What this shows is that the commanding heights of the private industry in South Africa are already completely under capitalist imperialist control. What NEPAD will do is put every last publicly owned asset into the clutches of the imperialist capitalist parasites.

NEPAD means a continent-wide privatisation programme! The face and nature of imperialism has certainly changed, it has become far more brutal, far more barbaric as it seeks to maintain its political hegemony and declining rates of profits. Only a fool will make the assumption, that imperialism in crisis will suddenly develop a social conscience, and a change of heart, in moderating or reducing its rate of plunder and exploitation of Africa, and its vast betrayed defenceless masses. The treachery and jingoism of the nationalist petit-bourgeoisie [middle classes] is to be expected, and can be explained by its nature and class interest; but the wholesale duping of the masses by the trade union leadership [eg COSATU, NACTU in South Africa] in presenting imperialism as a force of progress and a champion of democracy is the more repugnant and dangerous. Nowhere in the Cosatu document on NEPAD do they reject capitalism and world imperialism, in fact, imperialism /capitalism is presented as an eternal and unchallengeable system which can be adopted and modified to meet the needs and demands of the exploited and impoverished working class masses.

The furthest they are prepared to go in their criticism of the NEPAD document, is clearly summarised by the following quote…”the economic and political strategies provided in NEPAD must be clearly against those targets. That is strategies must be justified in terms of how they will assist reaching the UN indicators.” This quote refers to what Cosatu calls the “laudable anti-poverty goals in NEPAD”. The imperialist companies whose political representatives sit on the Security Council, control the UN itself. Thus in essence the Cosatu leaders put the future of the working classes of Africa into the very hands of the imperialists/capitalists that they claim to be against! A similar position adopted by the SACP also puts them into the camp of reaction.

The above analysis clearly demonstrates that not only imperialist capitalists, but the political rulers and the trade union bureaucrats are the mortal enemy of the working classes; any illusions and faith in the imperialist capitalist system and its servants, the political rulers and the middle classes, can and will lead to the progressive enslavement, impoverishment, disintegration and decay of the African mass. What is required is not the tinkering with the capitalist system, but its liquidation, root and branch, not only in Africa but also on planet earth.

The emancipation of the African working classes from bondage and poverty must exclusively remain in their own hands. The international working class will not only support but also give active assistance, to the struggle of the African masses.

These struggles could act as a catalyst for the emancipatory struggles of the working classes in the imperialist capitalist countries. The primary prerequisite is the rebuilding of the 4th International [the party of the international working class] with branches all over Africa and the rest of the world. The political and economic programme of this rebuilt Fourth International is the overthrow of the imperialist capitalist states, the political liquidation and expropriation of the international capitalist classes; the nationalisation under workers’ control, without compensation of all imperialist assets [in the imperialist and neo-colonial world]; the absolute control of political power in the hands of the working classes of the respective countries and the violent and determined crushing by the working class in power of the inevitable rise of imperialist counter-revolution.

The workers of Africa must wake up and immediately set in motion its determined will and forces against the deadly policies hatched by the African ruling classes in partnership with their imperialist masters. Workers of Africa, RISE AND ORGANISE! Complacency and delays will result in untold misery and tragedy if this new monster, NEPAD, goes unchallenged. You have the power to defeat this monster.

UBUNGXOWA NKULU ABUNAKUGCINWA

Izizwe ezimanyeneyo, (UN) zibambe ikomva ezithi ukuyibiza kukukhula okobakho exesha elide! Bathe benza ngamabomi ukuba batyumbe umzantsi afrika ibe lilizwe ezakubanjelwa kulo lenkomfa. Kwiminyaka elishumi edlulileyo ikomva enje yake yabanjwa e Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. Yintoni ebalulekileyo kulamazwe mabini ukuba anikwe iwonga lokubamba lekomva. Ingaba lamazwe angumzekelo oqaqambileyo ekukhuleni nasekupheliseni itsokolo? Hayi, ngokucacileyo hayi, kungokuba omabini aphambili ehlabathini ngokubanezinga eliphezulu lokungalingani kwabantu nangengeniso engalinganiyo. Ingaba ukusuka ngo 1992 kubekho ukukhula okukhulu e Brasil? Hayi! Ngenyani kubekho ukukhula kokusokola nokuhla komnotho wase Brasil. Ukusuka kwikomfa yase rhawutini engo August September 2002 kubonakala ngathi umzantsi afrika okanye I Afrika zobona ukukhula okukhulu? Ngokucacileyo Hayi! Kutheni sisitsho nje? Abangcikivi abalawula izizwe ezimanyeneyo ,iinkampani ezinkulu zase Melika ,Germany,France, Britain,Japan ziye zavuma icebo ekuthiwa yi NEPAD.

Le Nepad ke kukuhlaselwa kwabasebenzi base Afrika ngabangcikivi. Ukuba ngabana owona mhlaba uxhatshazwayo emhlabeni uzakujikwa enziwe ithanga lobukhoboka banamhlanje, lonto yalontetho kuthiwa kukugcina ukukhula ayikho into ekhoyo bubusela obukhulu. Kukho into enye ebalulekileyo kwezizithembiso zingekhoyo kwezikomfa zezizwe ezimanyeneyo, yile yokuba ubungxowa nkulu bona kuqala abukwazi kuzingcina.

Abusoze buziphelele, kodwa ke . Kufuneka uburhelelerhele kubasebenzi behlabathi babucedise ukuya engcwabeni labo. Ukukhawuleza ukwakha ubukomanisi behlabathi yeyona ndlela eyakuthi isise kubu Soshiyali. Senza elikhwelo kubo bonke amagorha alwa ukungalingani kwihlabathi liphela kuvuselelwe lembali. Masiwujonge lomsebenzi njengobalulekileyo najengoko elixesha sikulo lifuna oko.

Umzantsi afrika kubonakala ngathi ukhethwe kuba inkokheli zemizabalazo ngexesha lengcinezelo zikwazile ngokuphumeleleyo ukunqanda umsindo wabasebenzi nabantu abasokolayo xa besilwa inkampani ezinkulu zongxowa nkulu. Iinkokheli zemanyano zabasebenzi ziphantsi kolawulo longxowa nkulu, phantsi kobufela ndawonye noburhulumente. Ubungcikive bubuyekeza izithunywa zabo ngomsebenzi omhle eziwenzileyo. Iinkampani ezinkulu zalapho (UBUDLELWANO OBUTSHA BOKUKHULISA I AFRIKA) ukuveza elubala ubusela balenkomfa kuthiwa kukungcina ukukhula, eyona nto iyiyo.

Phambili senze oko, kufuneka siphakamise umba kunye nendima yemibutho engekho kurhulumente kule komfa. Okokuqala lemibutho emzantsi afrika ilawula izigidi ezisithoba zeranti ngokwayo rhoqo ngonyaka(R9 Billion).Lemali emzantsi zincoma izithunywa zazo ngeminqweno yokuba ubungxowa nkulu bukho ukuba buhlale. Siye saxilonga ezantsi apha lento kuthiwa ye Nepad{ yitshitshi encinci kakhulu Oongxowa nkulu abayikhuphayo befuna abasebenzi nabasokolayo emzantsi afrika bame emva, phezu kokuba bethathe izigidi ngezigidi zeranti kwingeniso minyaka le.

Sitsho nabangcikivi bezizwe ezimanyeneyo ziyazi ukuba ezinkampani zinkulu zenza ingeniso enkulu e afrika. Indima yalemibutho ingekho kurhulumente kukurhuqela umsindo wabasebenzi nabasokolayo apho kungazobakho lumfila. Le mibutho isoloko ixhasa uqhanqalazo kodwa iyakwenza konke okusemandleni ayo ikhokelele kude le ekubeni kubhukuqwe lemeko yobungxowa nkulu. Bafuna uqhanqalazo olulawulwayo kwaye bakwenza konke abanako ukuxuba batshitshe izikhalazo kunye nemilo yesininzi. Kunenyanga lemibutho isilwa yodwa ngendlela ephucukileyo abanokuthi ngayo izikhalazo bazigalele amanzi lonto ibaveze eyona ndima yabo abayidlalayo.

Akufuneki siyivumele lemibutho, kunye nenkokheli zika Cosatu, okanye abangxowa nkulu basakhulayo ukuba balawule bakhokele izikhalazo zabasebenzi. Kufuneka sisebenzise elithuba sakhe unxibelelwano lwamatsha ntliziyo okanye amagorha kumzantsi afrika wonke nakunye sakhe ubuhlobo namanye amatsha ntliziyo nakwe zinye indawo zehlabathi.
NEPAD- UBUHLOBO OBUTSHA EKUTSHATYHALALISWENI KWE AFRIKA!

Into yokuqala kule Nepad yile yokuba iinkokheli zase Afrika eziqulunqe yona, kuqala ziye zafuna imvume koo rhulumente babangcikivi, G5. Emva koko lembono yaziswa kwisininzi e Afrika ukuba yenziwe. Le Nepad sele ivunyiwe yimanyano yase Afrika (African union). Umbutho wezizwe ezimanyeneyo zase Afrika (OAU) wachithwa kuba abangcikivi bevuna abathunywa abatsha abazakulawula egameni labo e Afrika, kuthiwa ke yimanyano yase Africa (AU). Ngokucacileyo I Nepad ayilocebo labasebenzi. Yinto yoburhwada benkokheli zase Afrika ezingakhange zidlule nakubantu aba babanyulileyo,zisuke zadlula kubaphathi bazo. Xa sijonga ukuba iNepad imele ntoni, singatsho sibone kutheni.Inkokheli ze Nepad zisebenzisa amagunya zilungiselela amacebo abangcikivi.

Bonke abajonge ngeliso elibukhali nabaxhasi be NEPAD bazibeka phambili injongo ze Nepad nokungathi zezona ziphambili ekufuneka ziqhatyelwe izandla ngabantu bonke. Aba bayijonge ngeliso elibukhali babambelele kumgaqo kunye nakwindlela ngendlela I Nepad kunye nenkokheli zayo ekufuneka zinyanzeliswe ekwenzeni utshitsho. Abasebenzi base mzantsi afrika kunye nabase afrika kufuneka ngokunyaniseka babuze umbuzo wobunyani ukuba ngobani aba axhasa lenqubo. Sixelelwa ukuba ezona njongo ze Nepad kukunceda, nokunyusa izinga lokuphila lwabantu abalicala lezigidi abahlala kwilizwekazi lase Afrika, kwimeko zokusokola, besifa zizifo netsokolo.

Abaqulunqi bathi umgaqo nemigaqo nqubo ye Nepad kufuneka iphelise iimeko zentsokolo zabantu abasisiqingatha zezigidi abaphila phantsi kwemeko yobungxowa nkulu ngomnyaka ka 2015. Ngamanye amazwi bathi inani labantu eliphila nge dollar enye ngosuku lakuphila ngecala layo, abatsho ukuthi abanye bophila nge zimbini ngosuku ze isininzi sishiyeke siphila ngenye ukuba kubanjalo. Ingaba bathi isininzi sase afrika esisweleyo masivuye ngobuqhophololo bomgaqo omtsha abathi ukhangeleka umangalisa, abathe bawubeka ngokusesikweni. Kodwa ke lomangaliso womgaqo wothusayo bubuvuvu, bubusela, obenziwe ukunika ubomi kongxowa nkulu abatsha base Afrika kunye nongxowa nkulu abasakhulayo- kwakunye namabala avulekileyo okuxhaphaza, incinezelo, nentshutshiso kubasebenzi base Afrika, ngabangcikivi oongxowa nkulu behlabathi {Yindima yenkampani ezinkulu kunye novimba bezimali(banki)}

Abanye bangathi lentetho ingaphezulu kukuzama ukuhambisa upolitiko elipha ekunene. Sakuthi siyibonakalise lento siyitshoyo ngokuthi ngoqilima sijonge izinto ezininzi ezichazwa ngulo mqulu we NEPAD.

Ukwakhiwa kwe NEPAD kukhwakha ulawulo nokunwenisa ubungxowa nkulu ekuhlaleni, kwezopoliko kunye nakwezomnotho apho kobe kulawula abangcikivi behlabathi. Lomqulu we NEPAD uthi ukusindiswa kwenginginya yabantu kuxhomekeke kubatyali zimali bangaphesheya kolwandle kunye noqilima lwezomnotho bobongxowa nkulu.

Ukwenzela abatyali zimali bangaphandle baze kufuneka iintloko ezilawulayo kumazwe ase Afrika zithobele ukulawula kwabangcikivi benkampani zongxowa nkulu kunye norhulument, lonto ithetha ukuthi kwezinye izinto, kuthengiswe izinto zesizwe ezifana nomzila kaloliwe, iminxeba, nombane kunye namanzi, nezikhululo zeqwelo moya ezabhatalwa ngesenti, kuxhatshazwa abasebenzi ngendlela ezingenalusini,kukhuselwa izinto nobutyebi benkampani zongxowa nkulu, ngemikhosi kunye namapolisa nentilongo, kusenziwa ngorhulumente base Afrika, umnotho uhanjiswa mahala, kusenziwa iingeniso ezingaphaya kokuqonda, urhulumente engangeneleli xa kwenziwa inveliso nakwimigaqo nqubo yenkampani zabangcikivi.

Inyani kwezimeko zezokuxhatshazwa okungapheliyo kwezinto eziyimveliso kunye nokutshatyalaliswa kwezendalo umzekelo ukudakiswa komoya kunye nokuxhelwa kubulawa abasebenzi abamanyaneyo (ubuchule bokuzama ukuthoba ifuthe lemibutho yabasebenzi,zinkampani zincediswa ngurhulumente) nokuthi kutshatyalaliswe nazo naziphi iintsukumo ezichasene nobungxowa nkulu zingade ibe zezopolitiko okanye noba zeziphi ezichasene nobungcikive bobungxowa nkulu

Umbuzo kufuneka ubuziwe- yintoni umahluko phakathi kwenqubo eyadlulayo zokwakhiwa ngokutsha( umzekelo inqubo yase Lagos yokukhuphula izinga lezomnotho wase Afrika) kunye ne NEPAD. Umahluko uyabonakala. Inqubo yase Lagos yayixhomekeke ekuzinikezeleni korhulumente babangcikivi ukuba bazise uncedo korhulumente bamazwe ase Afrika kusiliwa ukuhlupheka. Xa sidlula omnye kufuneka aqaphele ubunzulu nokunwena kwale meko ngoba kwakufuneka itshitshwe ngeranti nangesenti kwaye isihla ngokukhawuleza. Kwachazwa ukuba I Afrika yafumana icala yemali eluncedo yangaphandle ngomnyaka ka 2000, xa kuthelekiswa ngendlela ibidla ngokufumana ngayo ngomnyaka ka 1980. Uncedo kufuneka lijongwe ngalendlela: Icebo lase Lagos langcina ukuqiniseka kokuzimela ngokwezomnotho nangokwe zopolitiko. Abangcikivi bathatha imveliso ezinkulu bakuqhiba bathobe ixabiso lazo minyaka le.

Abagcikivi benze ngamabom ukuxhomekeka kwe Afrika kwinkampani zabo ukwenzela zibenokwazi ukuphila. Uncedo yitshitshi encinci abathi abangcikive bayibuyise kwizinto ebebezithathile- ukwenzela kugcinwe isininzi sase afrika kukusokola okusisingxina, besenzela baqhubeke ngokuxhaphaza ezwekazi lase afrika. Kwaye oluncedo kukuthambisa isilondo ngetyiwa, ngoba oluncedo luza lunemiqathango yokuba bazoqhubekeka ukuxhaphaza abasebenzi base Afrika.

I NEPAD yona kwelayo icala ibophelela iinkokheli ezilawulayo zase Afrika kubuzwilakhe bobungcikivi. Uncedo olusemthethweni bathi indawo yalo kufuneka ithathwe zinkampani zabangcikivi mahala ngokuthi zinikwe ulawulo lwezomnotho namashishini ngaphandle kokuhlawula kwaye lonto funeka kubekho ingqinisekiso yokuba ikhuselekile kubekho nenzuzo enkulu. Iphinda iqinisekise ukuba ngezindlela nangoluvo lwayo iyakuthi imbonise nawo nawuphi urhulumente wase afrika oyakuthi angathobeli umthetho nemigaqo eyakhiwe ngabangcikivi. Akumangalisi ukuba lomqulu we Nepad nembono uye waphononogwa ngorhulumente abalawula ihlabathi abasixhenxe. Abangcikivi bakhululekile kakhulu kwezopolitiko, nakuxanduva lokuqinisa ukudlwengulwa nokutshatyalaliswa kwesininzi kunye nobuncwane base Afrika.

Abalawuli bezopolitiko bathatha uxanduva lokwenza umsebenzi omdaka besenzela abangcikivi ngenxa yokuthanda ukubasezintweni nokuba ngoba bangozunguli chele. Isininzi sase Afrika senziwa idini phantsi kwegama lezopolitiko nelokunyolukela umnotho, kusakhiwa ukungalingani kubantu base Afrika. Umzantsi Afrika ngumzekelo ophambili ekuyilweni kwalomqulu we Nepad. Unemo ekuthiwa yeyoburhulumente wabantu ngabantu wemibutho ngemibutho, umgaqo wezomnotho okhoyo (GEAR) owenziwa zizithunywa zabangcikivi (Ibanki yehlabathi(WORLD BANK), kunye nengxowa mali yehlabathi(IMF)) waze wenziwa ukuba abalawuli balawule ngawo bakugqiba bawuqhwabela izandla abangcikivi, lomqulu ukwazile ukuvala umlomo iinkokheli zabasebenzi umzekelo u Cosatu, Nactu, abapolitiki basekunene bona bakhethe ukungazixhobisi- bonwabela labucala labangcikivi. Sisalindile utyhalo mali olukhulu kwinkampani zabangcikivi, ukuthenjiswa ngokukhula kumnotho ngepesenti ezintandathu,ukunyuswa kwemeko yokuphila kwabasokolayo, ukukhula kongxowa nkulu abasakhasayo abaqinileyo nabasempilweni, abaliqhayiya nempumelelo yabangcikivi ongxowa nkulu.

Kodwa into esiyifumanayo kungabikho tyalo mali nemveliso yangaphandle(bedombola kwi J.S.E kunye nobuqhophololo abakwenza kwimveliso nakurhwebo) ukukhula kokungasebenzi (babalelwa ngaphezulu kwezigidi ezihlanu bangasebenziyo kuleminyaka mihlanu idlulileyo) nokukhula kokusokola kwabantu emaphandleni kunye nasezidolophini, oku kungqinwe ngokukhula kokukhutshwa kwabasebenzi ezindlini ezincinci, phantsi kwesigunyaziso zenkampani zabucala, nokucinywa kumbane kunye namanzi ngabaphathi bomasipala njalo njalo kunye nokukhula korhwaphilizo labangxowa nkulu basakhuliswayo, ukucuthwa kolabiwo mali ukubangela ukusokola nokupheliswa kwenkonzo eziluncedo eluntwini, nokusokola ngokubanzi kwabantu nemeko nemeko ezinzima zokuphila kwesininzi sabantu. Lento ayenziwa kuba kusiyawa kwimeko yotshitsho, yimeko yesigxina nekhulayo eyenziwa ngabangcikivi ongxowa nkulu nemigaqo nqubo eyenziwe emzantsi afrika ngumbutho olawulayo we ANC.

Enye yengxoxo ezidumileyo ezikhuliswa ngabaqulunqi be NEPAD yeyokuba iafrika ibibekelwe bucala kumnotho wehlabathi. Inyani yeyokuba kuyo yonke imigaqo yezoqoqosho ethe yenziwa ngabangcikivi kunye nabathunywa babo ngokwenyani zamkelwa zenziwa zinkokheli zezopolitiko, zenza iafrika ukuba ixhomekeke ngakumbi kwimalike zehlabathi zongxowa nkulu. Urhwebo lwase afrika xa ulithelekisa nelehlabathi liyi 45.6% kumnotho wayo uphela, kwangalo ndlela I North America yi 13.2% ize I Europe ibe yi 12.8% , Latin America 23.7%, Asia 15.2%(Zicatshulwa kwimiqulu ka Kairos nge Nepad).

Ukwangeza ukuxhomekeka kumnotho wangaphandle kuneziphumo ezigwenxa ekukhuliseni umnotho nakwinkonzo zoluntu kubantu base Afrika. Xa ulawula ixabiso lemveliso ngokwemarike zehlabathi, iinkampani zehlabathi ziye zinyanzelise amaxabiso abe phantsi abephantsi ngokomlinganiselo ongange 30% kunamhlanje nje xa uthelekiso nomnyaka ka 1980 zize zifumane ingeniso engange 40% zona kwimveliso evela ngaphandle.Kungenzeka njani umnotho oxhomekeke kurhwebo lwangaphandle kumazwe ongxowa nkulu ukhule, uyeke obubuxoki butshiwo ngumqulu we Nepad uthi ozokhula.Kungona kuthethwa inyani yokuba izigidi zezigidi ezingamashumi amathandathu ezachithwa ekuthengeni ezixhobo aziso zenze misebenzi.

Ezinkampani zenza izixhobo zalapha emzantsi afrika zisebenzisa unwaniselwano lwezimali ukufumana izivumelwano ngezixhobo. Lento ibonisa ukuba ezinkamapani zizimeleyo ziphantsi kolawulo nongxowa nkulu. Into ezakwenziwa yi Nepad kukuthatha nayo yonke into ibiphantsi kolawulo loluntu iyinike abangcikivi bayilawule. I Nepad ithetha ukuba ngumgaqo wokuthengiswa kwezwe lase Afrika . Ubuso nemvelaphi yobungcikivi itshitshile, ikhohlakele ngakumbi ngoku, inoburhalarhume obuqhithileyo ifuna ukungcina ubungangasha kwezopolitiko yakuqhiba ihlise uthekelelo lwengeniso. Sisibhanx sodwa esinokucinga ukuba ubungcikivi busengxakini, bokuthi buvelise ingcinga ezingcono zentlalo ntle, botshitshe nasezintliziyweni, butshitshe kubuqhophololo bokuthoba amaxabiso kunye nokuyeka ukuxhaphaza iafrika kunye nesininzi esisokolayo,esingaxhobanga sase Afrika.

Ukukhula kobuzwe okanye obunashinali kunye nongxowa nkulu abasakhulayo yinto ezakwenzika iyazichaza ngalendlela nangemiqweno yokungalingani koluntu, yonke lento yenziwe kukuthengiswa kwesininzi zinkokheli zemanyano zabasebenzi (umzekelo Cosatu, Nactu emzantsi afrika) zimisa phambili ubungcikivi ngokungathi buza nenguqulelo kunye noburhulumente babantu, ibubuxoki obo. Akukho apho kulo mqulu wabo we Nepad besithi ababufuni ubungxowa nkulu kunye nobungcikivi behlabathi, ngokwenyani babubeke ubungcikivi bobongxowa nkulu kakuhle bozokwazi ukumelana nemfuno zabantu abaxhatshazwayo kunye nesininzi sabasebenzi esisokolayo. Bathi bangayigxheka I Nepad phantsi kwezimeko! Ezomnotho kunye nezopolitiko kuneka zijonge apho kufuneka ziye khona.Iindlela kufuneka zincedisane nabaphononongi bezizwe ezimanyeneyo. Lento ibonisa into etshiwo ngo Cosatu athi kukuliwa kobuhlwembu yi Nepad.

Abameli benkampani zongxowa nkulu bahlala kwikomiti yokhuseleko yezizwe ezimanyeneyo le ilawula izizwe ezimanyeneyo. Lonto ibonisa ukuba I Cosatu ibeka ikamva labasebenzi base Afrika kwasezandleni zabangcikivi ongxowa nkulu abathi xa bethetha balwa bona. Kwa imbono efana nale ibekwe I SACP nabo kufuneka bafakwe engxoweni enye yabavukela abasebenzi.

Lembonakaliso ibonisa ukuba ayingobangcikivi bodwa abalitshaba labasebenzi nenkokheli zezopolitiko kunye nezemanyano zabasebenzi zilutshaba lwabasebenzi, yonke imibono kunye nenkolelo kubungcikivi bobungxowa nkulu kunye nabo babukhonzayo basikhokelela ebukhobokeni, ekusokoleni , nasebugxwayibeni nokutshatyalaliswa kwesininzi sama Afrika. Into efunekayo ayikokwenza utshitsho oluncinci kubungxowa nkulu kodwa kububutshabalalisa ingcambu nesebe labo hayi kuphela e Afrika kodwa kuwo wonke umhlaba. Ukufakwa kwabasebenzi base Afrika kwimbhophelelo zokusokola kufuneka kushiyeke ezandleni zabo abangcikivi.

Abasebenzi behlabathi abokuthi baxhase kuphela bokuthi bancedise kumzabalazo wesininzi sase Afrika. Le mizabalazo iyakuthi ime njengoqilima lokukhulula abasebenzi kubangcikivi ongxowa nkulu kumazwe ngamazwe. Undoqo ofunekayo kukwakha ubu International besine( umbutho wabasebenzi behlabathi) ube namasebe kwi Afrika yonke, nakwihlabathi lonke, uyakuthi umgaqo wawo wezopolitiko kunye nezomnotho ibe kukubhukuqa uburhulumente bemazwe abangcikivi ongxowa nkulu, nokubhangisa ezopolitiko zongxowa nkulu kunye nokuphelisa ukwahlulahlulwa kwabantu, kunye nokubuyisela ebantwini zonke inkonzo zolunto nezinto zabantu ngaphandle kwentlawulo(kumazwe akhulileyo nasakhulayo) ukuthabatha ulawulo lwezopolitiko kwizandla zongxowa nkulu lusiwe kulawulo lwabasebenzi kuwo onke amazwe, kwakunye nobudlobongela obujongeweyo obothi buvele kubasebenzi abawube bephethe befuna ukubuyisela ukugonyamela kwabangcikivi kuba beyakube bechasa utshitsho.

Abasebenzi base Afrika kufuneka bavuke baze ngokukhawuleza okudibene nokungxama babeke phambili intando yabo kunye nemikhosi kuliwe lemigaqo ifileyo iqanduselwa zinkokheli zase Afrika ezilawulayo, zikunye noxha bazo abaphathi babo abangcikivi. Basebenzi base Afrika vukani kwaye nimanyane! Ukuba ngabani izinto nizithatha lula nakothuka sekonakele kwaye okukulibazisa kobaneziphumo ezibi kakhulu netlekele embi kakhulu ngoba esisilwanyana sikhohlakeleyo sinoburhalarhume kuthiwa ye Nepad iza ihamba ingathathelwa nqalelo. Ninawo amandla okusoyisa esisilwanyana.

Basebenzi behlabathi manyanani nilwe ubungxowa nkulu bobungcikivi
Phantsi ngale Nepad kunye nalekomva kuthiwa yeyokukhula
Phambili ekwakhiweni kobu International besine
Phambili ngobu Soshiyali!

The SAMWU strike 2nd to 19th July 2002-
a struggle betrayed!

From the outset the national municipal strike was a political strike. In other words it was a strike against the government and against its GEAR economic policy. It was because of this IMF-dictated policy that reduced budget allocations are given to the public sector and in this case to the municipal sector. If there had been a pro-working class economic policy there would have been no question about providing quality services to all and a living wage to all workers. There would have been no need to strike. Even the low 10% would be more than affordable even to many a bourgeois democrat.

Through GEAR, not only are the bosses contributing less for social services and the workers more, but the very social services are being sold for a song to the very same capitalist class. Workers carrying more of the burden means that the rate of profit of the bosses is being propped up at workers’ expense.
The strike was sold out before it started
We all know that food prices rocketed since December last year. Food inflation was massive and in real terms inflation for workers was somewhere between 14%-20%, if not more. Yet this massive increase in the burden carried by workers did not lead to the Samwu, South African municipal workers union, leaders raising their starting point in the negotiations.

No, they wanted to show their alliance partners that they are reasonable negotiating partners, irrespective if it means starting off negotiations below real inflation for their own members. This approach is part of the sickness that has infected many unions in recent times. By deadlocking at 10% going into the strike, the leaders knew that a compromise meant going below this level. Such was the slavishness of the leaders to show how reasonable negotiators they were.

From the start the leadership of Samwu treated the opposition as if it was just another individual employer, anything else except a representative of the government. Thus the target was named as Salga, the South African local government association.

The Cosatu leadership and indeed the entire alliance leadership also proclaimed the issue to be purely over wages and sidestepped the political issue. This is not surprising as the strike was a strike against the policies of the alliance. The GEAR policy shifts the burden of social services more onto the shoulders of the working class, yet the union leadership was determined that the fight remain on the economic terrain. Here we see the essence of the agreement made between the Cosatu, SACP and ANC leadership earlier this year – keep issues on the economic front and divert workers’ attention away from the state.

This is part of the fundamental shift that the Cosatu leaders have made since 1994. Before 1994, they directed workers’ anger at the state only to the extent that the ANC would assume power. Since 1994 the Cosatu leadership have tried hard to maintain a position of leadership of working class struggles, so that these can be kept within the framework of the system and not directed at overthrowing capitalism. The struggles against the state, such as the anti-privatization struggles have been limited to job security and economic issues and not against the state itself. This is to be understood, as the Cosatu leadership does not want to overthrow their alliance partners.

The approach of the Cosatu and SAMWU leadership, knowingly or unknowingly, is to disarm the working class as to who the real enemy is. By limiting struggles to the economic front, they are saying that workers’ needs can be met within the capitalist system. Robust bargaining is what the alliance leaders say is happening – in other words, they say workers can strike and protest on wages and conditions but not take on the root cause of working class poverty and misery- the capitalist system itself. This is one of the reasons why the Cosatu leadership agreed that no political strikes be allowed, when they were negotiating over the terms of the Labour Relations Act in 1996. Even though the Cosatu leaders kept the struggle on the economic terrain, the state did not do so.


The response of the state
The state has not treated the struggle of the workers with folded arms. The full might and political force of the state was used against workers. Strikers were teargassed, beaten, arrested, shot at, denied the right to march, threatened with the army, etc. The presence of the SACP Chairman as Minister of Police did not assist strikers even one inch! Rather, the role of the SACP as the policeman of the capitalist class is confirmed.

The government even hired scab labour, and children at that too, to clean up the streets of Durban so that the Nepad conference would be undisturbed. Thabo Mbeki, in the ANC Today 12-18 July 2002, heavily criticised the strikers as betraying the ‘movement at a critical moment in Africa’s continuing liberation struggle’. In the same address, Mbeki hailed the African government leaders as “The true heroes and heroines of the African Renaissance”!! When we see the ongoing destruction that imperialism is wreaking in Africa with the wholehearted support of these African ‘leaders’ and on the other hand the heroic strike of the municipal workers, it is very clear who the real heroes are and who are the ones betraying the working class movement!

The union leaders were loyal to the alliance while the ANC was more loyal to the capitalist class. The government knew that a settlement of 10% or higher would send a signal to the entire working class to demand higher increases than what they are currently getting. The alliance leaders exerted huge pressure on the strike leaders to back off from the 10% demand. As the strike dragged on and the workers were weakened, the scene was set for a deal. The union leaders even went to the extent of signing a 3-year deal linking workers increases to official inflation. [Official inflation is always way below real inflation for workers]. Sector by sector, the Cosatu leaders, in the name of reasonableness and being seen to be flexible, are signing 3-year agreements and binding workers to increasing hardship and poverty conditions.

This ties up with the state’s vision for inflation targeting, that is, lowering the official rate of inflation to justify lower wage increases for workers [wage freezes and wage cuts]. The ANC’s plan for a social accord through cutbacks on strikes and through wage freezes and cuts are being smuggled in by the front door, with the help of the Cosatu leaders! The irony of the call for solidarity strikes is that the very union leaders who have been at the forefront of championing 3 year agreements and the alliance were the ones making the call for solidarity strikes and actions. Every one of them then delayed really mobilising or actually applying for such solidarity actions.

The fact that the Cosatu leaders were forced to make noises for solidarity was due to pressure from their own members and to cover their own role in leading workers into an effective 3 year sectoral ban on strikes. The discontent of the middle classes with the intransigence and arrogance of the ANC in government is also reflected in the actions of the Cosatu leadership in calling for solidarity actions. Their own alliance partner was not even prepared to grant a lowly 10% increase to workers! The leadership of Cosatu vacillate between calling for workers’ actions and heeding his master’s voice in the person of the ANC in government

It is noticeable that the Cosatu leadership did not utter one word about the fact that the state negotiating team was being led by Neal Thobejane, the ex-General Secretary of Nehawu. They also did not utter a word when ANC Youth League members acted as scabs during the strike.

The strike itself
Was it then a mistake to go on strike? Definitely not! The outcome of any battle cannot be determined in advance. And the anti-worker terms of the plans of the state had to be challenged. If the leaders of the struggle had recognised the state as the class enemy, their whole approach to the struggle would have been different and workers would have been more equipped for the battles that lay ahead. The chances are that more gains would have been made. The actions of the state in the strike were not of an alliance partner but of the enemy. Anyone who denies this is fooling him/herself.

Spontaneously in many areas, workers from other sectors and the unemployed were starting to join the protests and to confront the state. The frustrations of lack of delivery of several years were being vented by communities as they also joined in the protests.

The state targeting of pensioners and the poor in their evictions and water and electricity cutoffs was also spilling over into community resistance spontaneously also supporting the strike and intensifying their own struggles. Several protests started to be directed at councillors and at state vehicles and buildings. The momentum was building up and the pressure was increasing on the Cosatu leadership. If the Cosatu leaders had really mobilised the momentum would have been much greater and the grounds could have been laid for a general strike against the state. It is not an accident that there were no broader demands put during the strike by the union leaders. There is a strong trend within the leadership of the union to keep the struggle on the economic terrain. But for union leaders, however critical they were, to call the strike settlement a victory was to help sow confusion.

The workers were in need of decisive leadership that should have exposed what the state and the alliance were up to and to call a advance or retreat if it was necessary. But the task was to explain to workers what the forces were and then to leave it up to them to decide which course to take. The failure to expose the class betrayal of the alliance not only disarms Samwu members but also the rest of the working class. The door is left open for the same Cosatu leadership to continue to mislead and betray workers’ interest.


The way forward from the strike
The conduct of the Cosatu leadership shows that they cannot be depended on in a time of crisis. When it comes to the crunch they will buckle and follow the orders of the capitalist class or their agent in government. In future battle it is important to set up strike committees beyond that of the shopsteward layer. The strike will then act as a training ground and raise new layers of leaders. The state must be treated as the class enemy, with all that this entails.

The entire working class must be mobilised to defend and advance demands of workers. Street and block committees in working class areas should be considered. Workers should not bind themselves to any alliance decision – on the contrary, intervention from the alliance should be viewed with suspicion and utmost caution. Workers should depend on their own strength. The struggle needs to be broadened beyond Cosatu to all unions and working class community and political organizations. There should be no secret meetings with any of the alliance formations – all meetings should be in public in full view of the working class. Strike leaders should be subject to instant recall and replacement if need be.

Overall, the key missing link in the struggle was the absence of a revolutionary working class party to lead the struggle. All class conscious workers should urgently look to this task, without which all future struggles are bound to remain within the confines of capitalism.

Every revolutionary uprising only lasts for a while and if there is no revolutionary party to lead, then these uprisings, as heroic as they may, will turn into defeat. Side by side with the unfolding class struggle, we need to build this party. The future is Socialism, let us build the party now!

UGWAYIMBO LWABASEBENZI BE SAMWU EBESINGE
2 UKUYA 19 JULY 2002
APHO UMZABALAZO UTHENGISIWEYO

Kwasekuqaleni kogwayimbo labasebenzi bakamasipala kuzwe lonke lube lugwayimbo olupolitikayo. Ngamanye amazwi ibe lugwayimbo olulwa urhulumente kwakunye nemigaqo nqubo karhulumente ye Gear. Ibe ngunobangela wengxowa mali yehlabathi (IMF) elawule lomgaqo othi uthobe isabelo kumasipala kunye nakubasebenzi bakamasipala. Ukuba bekukho umgaqo wezomnotho ojonge ekukhuphuleni abasebenzi bekungazobakho mbuzo malunga nokunikezelwa (services) kubantu bonke kunye nemvuzo wokuphila kubo bonke abasebenzi.

Bekungazobakho mvuneko yalugwayimbo. Sitsho nale 10% incinci ibeyakubancono nakongxowa nkulu abakholelwa kuburhulumente bobuntu. Phantsi kwale Gear ayingobaqashi kuphela abakholelwa ekuncediseni kwimeko eziphantsi zokuphila, kwanabasebenzi ngokunjalo bayancedisa ekuthengisweni kwenkonzo zoluntu kongxowa nkulu. Abasebenzi bathwele umthwalo omkhulu ngenxa yezinga eliphezulu lengeniso labaqashi elithi lifunyanwe ngokuxhatshazwa kwabasebenzi.
Ugwayimbo lathengiswa phambi kokuba luqale

Siyazi sonke amaxabiso okutya anyuke kakhulu ukusukela ngo December kulo nyaka uphelileyo. Iqondo lokutya linyuke kakhulu xa lithelekiswa neqondo abasebenzi abaphila phantsij kwalo elingu mlinganiselo ongu 14%- 20% ukuba alikho ngaphezulu. Nangona okukunyuka kwalomqondo ubekwe phezulu kwabasebenzi khange ukhokhele ukubeni u SAMWU, South Africa Municipal Workers Union iinkokheli khange ziwuphakamise lomba ezingxoxweni. Hay bezifuna ukubonisa ubuhlobo bazo, kungakhathaliseki nokuba kuthetha ukuthi baqala ingxoxo ngaphantsi kwezinga lokuphila kwabasebenzi babo. Lendlela yinxalenye yesigulo isingene iimanyano zabasebenzi ezininzi kula maxesha. Ngokuthi bame ku 10% besaya elugwayimbeni , iinkokheli beziyazi ukuba bakuvumelana ngaphantsi kwalo mlinganiselo. Lonto ibonise ubukhoboka bezinkokheli zibonisa ukuba ngabaxoxi abanesizathu.

Kwasekuqaleni iinkokheli zika Samwu ziye zaziphatha ezinye iimanyano ezingekho ngakubo njengabaqashi, njengabamele urhulumente. Loo makheswa ke ib ngulo mbutho kuthiwa yi Salga. Iinkokheli zika Cosatu kunye nezomfela ndawonye zenze izikhalazo zabasebenzi zaphelela kumba womvuzo zabekela ecaleni umba wezopolitiko. Lento ayothusi njengoko ugwayimbo ibilugwayimbo kusiliwa umgaqo walomfela ndawonye. Imigaqo ye Gear itshitshe ingxaki zokuziswa kwemfuno zentlalo tle yazibeka kakhulu emaxheni yabasebenzi, kodwa iinkokheli zemanyano zisathi umlo uphelel umba wezomnotho. Sulapho sibone unobangela wesivumelwano esenziwa phakath kika Cosatu, SACP, kunye nenkokheli ze ANC ekuqaleni kwalonyaka – bagcina izinto ebengathi zimeko zomnotho betshitsha iingcinga zabasebenzi zokulwa noburhulumente. Le yinxalenye ebalulekileyo yokutshitsha kwenkokheli zika Cosatu eyenziwa ngo 1994.

Phambi ko 1994 babewulawulela kurhulumente umsindo wabasebenzi becinga ukuba I ANC izothatha ulawulo. Ukuqala ngo 1994 iinkokheli zika Cosatu zizamile kakhulu ukungcina izihlalo zobunkokheli kwimizabalazo yabasebenzi, besenzela ukuba lemizabalazo ibanjwe kule nqubo kulawulwa ngayo, ingalawulwa ekubhukuqeni ubungxowa nkulu. Imizabalazo kusiliwa urhulumente, efana nokulwa ukuthengiswa kwamashishini ngokubanzi kunye nakarhulumente, yaye yathotywa yenziwa imizabalazo yokukhusela imisebenzi kunye nokulwa imiba edibene nezomnotho, hay ukulwa urhulumente nqo.

Lento kufuneka yaziwe njengoko iinkokheli zika Cosatu zingafuni ukubhukuqa abahlobo babo bobufela ndawonye. Lendlela ka Cosatu kunye nenkokheli zika Samwu siyazi okanye singayazi kukungafuni ukuxhobisa abasebenzi besenzela ukuba abasebenzi bangalwazi olona utshaba lwabo. Ngokuthi bathobe imizabalazo kwimeko zomnotho kuphela, bathetha ukuthi iimfuno zabasebenzi zokusombululwa phantsi kwale meko yobungxowa nkulu. Bathi abasebenzi bangagwayimbi, bangaqhanqalazela imivuzo kunye nemeko zokusebenza kodwa bangayitsali ingcambu engunobangela yokusokola , nokuba sebugxwayibeni kwabasebenzi okwenziwa yimeko yobungxowa nkulu ngokwayo. Lento ngomnye wonobangela iinkokheli zika Cosatu zavumelana ukuba kungabikho gwayimbo lwezopolitiko lakuvunywa, xa zazixoxa umqulu womthetho wezabasebenzi ngo 1996(L.R.A). Nangona iinkokheli zeCosatu zicinga ukuba umzabalazo ziwubambe kwimeko zomnotho kuphela uburhulumente abuyenzi lonto.
Impendulo ka rhulumente

Urhulumente khange awuphathe umzabalazo wabasebenzi esonge izandla. Igunya elipheleleyo kunye nemimoya yezopolitiko yoburhulumente zisetyenzisiwe kusiliwa abasebenzi. Abagwayimbi bebefakwe I teargas, bebethwa, bebanjwe, bedutyulwa,benganikwa lungelo lakubamba imincelele, berhorhiswa ngomkhosi njalo njalo. Ukubakho kosihlalo we SACP njengo mpathiswa wamapolisa khange ibancede abagwayimbi nakancinane! Ukusuka apho indima ye SACP ibe kukubangamapolisa obungxowa nkulu avunyiweyo. Urhulumente uye waqesha amangundwane sitsho nabantwana ukucoca izitalato zase Durban ukwenzela lenqunquthela ye Nepad ingaphazanyiswa. U Thabo Mbeki kwi ANC namhlanje 12- 18 July 2002, ngokukhulu ungxeke abagwayimbi njengabathengisa indibaniselwano kwixesha elibalulekileyo e Afrika lokuqhubekeka kumzabalazo wokukhululeka. Kwaku lo ntetho yakhe uMbeki uncome iinkokheli zoburhulumente base Afrika njengamaqhawe okwenene okuvuselela I Afrika ngokutsha. Ngoku sibonayo ukuqhubekeka kokuchithwa okubangwa bubungcikivi e Afrika bunikwa inxaso epheleleyo ngezinkokheli zase Afrika, kwelinye icala kuthengiswe ngobuqhawe bogwayimbo labasebenzi bakamasipala, kucace mhlophe ukuba ngobani amaqhawe ingobani abangcatsha itshukumo zabasebenzi.

Iinkokheli zemanyano zabasebenzi bezithembekile kwindibaniselwano ngelixa I ANC ithembakele kongxowa nkulu. Urhulumente wazile isivumelwano esinokuba ngu 10% okanye ngaphezulu sakunika umyalezo kubasebenzi bephela bafune unyuselo mivuzo oluphezulu kunale bayifumanayo ngoku. Iinkokheli zendibaniselwano ziye zabeka uxinezelelo kwinkokheli zabagwayimbi ukuba zibuye umva ku 10% wonyuso mvuzo. Njengoko ugwayimbo luye luqhubekeka abasebenzi baye batyhafa, kwabonakala ukuba iimeko zenziwe ukwenzela isivumelwano.

Iinkokheli ziye zade zatsiba umda zatyikitya isivumelwano seminyaka emithathu benxulumanisa unyuso mivuzo lwabasebenzi kunye nezinga lokunyuka kwezoqoqosho lwezinto olusemthethweni.[ukunyuka kwezinto okusemthethweni kusoloko kungaphantsi lee njengezinga lokuhla kobomi lwaba sebenzi]Kumacandelo ngomacandelo, iinkokheli zika Cosatu egameni lokuba befuna kuthiwe basesizathwini kwaye befuna ukuba bajongwe njengabahlakaniphileyo, baye batyikitya izivumelwano zeminyaka emithathu bebophelela abasebenzi ebunzimeni obukhula rhoqo, nakwimeko zokusokola. Lento ke ihambisana nqo namaphupha karhulumente okuthoba (inflation) bayithobe besenza emthethweni ukubhatalwa unyuso mivuzo eliphantso abasebenzi. [ukuhla kwemivuzo kunye nokuthotywa kwayo] Injongo ze ANC zentlalo ntle phantsi kokuthotywa ukugwayima kunye nokuhlisa imivuzo kwaye okukuthotywa kwalemivuzo kubiwa kumnyango wangaphambili bencediswa zinkokheli zika Cosatu.

Ukuqina kokukhwaza ugwayimbo olunye kukuthi kwa ezinkokheli zemanyano ebeziphambili ekutyikityeni izivumelwano zeminyaka emithathu nakunye nendibaniselwano ikwazizo ezikhwaza ngogwayimbo olunye. Inyani yeyokuba iinkokheli ze Cosatu zinyanzeliswa ukuba zenze ingxolo yogwayimbo olunye zenziwa luxinezelelo oluvela kumalungu azo zagqumelela indima yazo ekukhokeleni abasebenzi kwizivumelwano zeminyaka emithathu bengagwayimbi.

Lonto ibonisa ubume babo kulemeko yokungalingani kwabantu kunye nokuba zizithunywa zikarhulumente. Kumadabi azayo kobaluleka ukuba kwenziwe iikomiti zabagwayimbi ezakuba ngaphaya kwe Shopstewards. Ugwayimbo lokuba yindawo apho sokth sifunde sikwazi ukukhulisa iinkokheli ezintsha. Urhulumente kufuneka ajongwe njengotshaba, ngaphaya koko oku kubalulekile. Abasebenzi bonke kufuneka baziswe bamanywe ukukhusela nokusa phambili iimfuno zabasebenzi. Izitalato kunye nekomiti zenqila apho kuhlala abasebenzi kufuneka zenziwe. Abasebenzi akufuneki bazibophelele nakweziphi izigqibo zendibaniselwano- ngokunjalo ukungenelela kwendibaniselwano kufuneka kujongwe ngeliso elibukhali kwaye ingathenjwa. Abasebenzi kufuneka baxhomekeke kumandla abo. Umzabalazo kufuneka wandiswe ngaphaya ku Cosatu kuzo zonke imanyano nalapho bahlala khona abasebenzi nakwimibutho yezopolitiko. Akufuneki kubekho iintlanganiso zasemacaleni nazo naziphi iindibaniselwano- zonke intlanganiso kufuneka zibe sesidlangalaleni ngokwezimvo zabasebenzi. Iinkokheli zogwayimbo kufuneka zibephantsi kokujongwa zifumaneke zithotywe xa kufuneka konyulwe ezinye.


Iye yacaca into yokuba iinkokheli zika Cosatu khange zise lizwi zakubona iqela likarhulumente ezingxoxweni belikhokelwa ngu Neal Thobejane, owayasakuba ngunobhasla jikelele we Nehawu. Khange base nalinye igama xa ulutsha lwe ANC belingamangudwane ngexesha logwayimbo.
Ugwayimbo lona kuqala

Ingaba kwakuyimpazamo ukuya kugwayimbo? Ngokucacileyo hayi! Iziphumo zalo naluphi udabi azibonwa kusayiwa. Amacebo alwa abasebenzi karhulumente kufuneka avezwe elubala. Ukuba ngaba iinkokheli beziye zabubona uburhulumente njengo tshaba lwabasebenzi, indlela zazo kumzabalazo beziyakubanomahluko kwaye abasebenzi bebeyakuxhotyiswa ngamadabi asezayo kwange thuba. Amathuba ngala okuba ngesiphumelele. Iintshukumo zoburhulumente kugwayimbo khange ibe zezobufela ndawonye ibe zezo tshaba. Naye nawuphi oyikhanyelayo lento uyakube uyazibhanxa.


Kungakhange kuqondakale kwindawo ezininzi, nakumanye amacandelo nabantu abangasebenziyo bebeseqalile ukuncedisa ukuqhanqalazela uburhulumente. Ukudinwa kokungafezekiswa kwezithembiso iminyaka emininzi iye yabonakaliswa ngabahlali ngokuthi bangenelele kuqhanqalazo. Ngokuthi uburhulumente bujolise kubantu abadla umhlala phantsi kunye nabasokolayo ngoku khupha abantu ezindlwini bavalelwe amanzi kunye nombane lonto ibangele abahlali bavukele uburhulumente ngendlela apha abangayiqondanga nangokuthi baxhase ugwayimbo beqinisa imizabazo yabo. Uqhanqalazo oluninzi luqalise ukujoliswa kwizibonda nakunye kwii moto zikarhulumente kunye nezakhiwo zikarhulumente.

Iqondo lomzabalazo liye lenyuka kwaye noxinezelelo lonyukile kwinkokheli zika Cosatu.Ukuba ngaba iinkokheli zika Cosatu bezilumanyile unyuko qondo lomzabalazo ibiyakuba yinto enkulu, ibiyakutshayelela ibala logwayimbo jikelele kusiliwa uburhulumente. Akuyongozi ukuba kungabikho zikhalazo ezibanzi ngexesha logwayimbo zinkokheli zemanyano. Kukho umqathango kuzo iinkokheli zemanyano ukuba ziwubambe umzabalazo kumba wezomnotho kuphela. Kodwa kwinkokheli zemanyano kwangxamiseka kuzo ukuba zithi ugwayimbo lube luloyiso kuba zifuna ukwenza impixwano. Abasebenzi bebefuna iinkokheli ezizakuthi ziveze elubala urhulumente kunye nendibaniselwano yobufela ndawonye into abakuyo baze abasebenzi ukunwenisa ugwayimbo okanye baluyeke ukuba kuyimfuneko. Kodwa indima nenxaxheba yenziwa kubasebenzi ukuchaza imimoya ekhoyo yaze yayekelwa kubo indima emabayihambe. Ukungakwazi ukuchaza elubala nokudatshwa kwabasebenzi yindibaniselwano yobufela ndawonye khange kungaxhobisi abasebenzi baka Samwu kuphela kodwa bonke abasebenzi jikelele. Umnyango usavuliwe ukuba kwa ezinkokheli zika Cosatu ziqhubekeke ukulahlekisa nokuthengisa ngemfuno zabasebenzi.
Indlela eya phambili kolu gwayimbo
Ngaphaya koko isitshixo ebesingekho kumzabalazo kukungabikho kombutho wabasebenzi wotshitsho ozakuthi akhokele umzabalazo. Bonke abasebenzi kufuneka bawujonge ngokukhawuleza lomba, kungenjalo yonke imizabalazo ezayo iyakuba sezandleni zongxowa nkulu.Nazo naziphi iitshukumo zoqhanqalazo ezakuthi zibekho zobakho okwexeshana ukuba awukho lombutho wotshitsho wabasebenzi ukukhokela, oloqhanqalazo, nokuba lelobuqhawe lakujika libe kukoyiswa. Macala ngamacala kulemizabalazo ikhoyo kufuneka siwakhe lombutho. Ikamva bubu Soshiyali, masiwakhe lombutho ngoku!

The HIV/Aids crisis

The HIV/Aids crisis shows that only world Communism can save the world and advance humanity as a whole

On the 4th July 2002, the estimated HIV infections worldwide stood at 47,5 million. It is estimated that almost 30 million hereof, that is about 60%, are in Africa. The next biggest group is Asia. Of the only 700 000 people receiving treatment, most are in either North America or Europe. Africa accounts for only 2% of the total drug market worldwide. Why is there this unevenness? Quite simply put: It is because the world is controlled by monopolies [giant companies], whose prime motive is to make profit. Human life is secondary. The above facts are proof of this.

At the recent Aids conference in Barcelona it was found that triple drug therapy costs $384 per person per year in Thailand, yet the cheapest HIV treatment in the US is $14000. In Rand terms, in Thailand the cost is less than R4000 per year, while in the US the treatment costs R140 000!! This means that the profit margin of the giant drug monopolies per person treated is at least R136 000.

So why don’t the HIV+ patients from the US just go to places like Thailand? The truth is that the distribution of HIV treatment is strictly controlled by the monopolies through organizations like the WTO [World Trade Organization]. Also who can afford to fly halfway across the world just to receive treatment? The WTO limits the quantities of drugs that are available so that seepage from the neo-colonial countries like Thailand is virtually impossible.

In all countries where is a semblance [a little bit of] local Aids drugs production, the price of drugs from the monopolies has fallen dramatically. Because most of the drugs have been recently developed, they still have most of the 20 years left before the patent expires. [This is a licence by the WTO that says that no-one else can make the same drug except the original company, or production can only be with their permission]. The WTO enforces this even though it may mean that many people may die without the drug, even though on their own doorstep they have all the raw material for the drug to be made!

How are the producers brought under the control of the monopolies? Many are just bought off, such as the Indian drug companies, who supply the raw product for the US and European drug companies, in exchange for a piece of the action. [As we can see, there are huge funds available to the monopolies.

The SA government is so slavishly under the control of the US monopolies that they do not want to set up a company making generics [essentially the same product with a different name]. They would rather let millions die. Even the small amounts they are now giving to hospitals for pregnant mothers is strictly limited.

Yet the Cosatu leadership and the TAC [Treatment Action Campaign] at their 27-29 June Aids conference declared that they want to form a partnership with the same government that is the chief local agent for the drug monopolies.

UWC [University of the Western cape has been given on loan a ‘high-powered’ computer, called CRAY. As fast as it is, it is still more than 100 times slower than the fastest computer in the world. The CRAY computer company, in short, has given outdated junk to South Africa, claiming that this modern dinosaur can help in Aids research and possibly the development of a vaccine.

Under a Communist world, the most efficient computer would have been used to fast-track research on developing a vaccine. All scientists internationally would pool their time and world resources would be made available. With the current developments of the internet, international collaboration would be cheap and easy. Secondly, there would have been immediate treatment for all 47,5 million infected. Thirdly, the health care internationally would not be on a profit basis and all the private companies would have been taken over. In South Africa alone, 70% of all the health resources are within the private sector [ie under direct capitalist control.]. Cosatu’s failure to oppose Nepad means that far more of the public health services stand to be privatised.

There needs to be direct and principled opposition to [ not partnership with] the government to force free and adequate health care for all HIV patients. We need to call on all health scientists internationally to centralise all health resources and their research to develop a vaccine and better treatment. All drug companies internationally should be expropriated and placed under working class control. But the final imperative, without which we will remain in capitalist slavery – we need to build a revolutionary working class party on national and international levels to end this system of exploitation and to lead the fight for Socialism and world Communism


KOREAN BOSSES ON THE OFFENSIVE, BUT THE KOREAN WORKING CLASS IS IN AN ATTACKING MOOD: WHO WILL SCORE THE FINAL GOAL?

The rise of the Korean football team in this World Cup reflects the politics of South Korea. The Korean working class has been rising stronger and stronger everytime since the impact of imperialism's SAPs in that country. We cannot forget the historic 1997 labour strikes in Korea. That momentum has been going on for some time and has been boosted by the ongoing attacks by the bosses of that country. The recent World Cup (like any other sporting event under capitalism) was used to create better conditions for profit making for the capitalists. Through the World Cup the Korean bourgeiosie tried to mask the class contradictions that are sharpening right now in that country. “Keep them busy with sport and they will forget about their troubles”, is what the capitalists have in mind. During the World Cup trade union leaders were forced to sign an industrial peace agreement in the spirit of the "nation". In effect this meant workers had to give up on some of their demands while the bosses were making super-profits.


Class Antagonism Sharpens
The Korean working class is facing one of the most brutal states as far as trade union rights are concerned. For years Korean workers and their trade union leaders have been arrested for involvement in union activities. The latest arrests have been under the current president Kim Dae-jung. More than 1 832 unionists have been jailed for union related activities. One of the prominent figures arrested is Dan Byung-ho, the president of Korean Congress of Trade Unions (KCTU) and other leaders of unions. The government had asked him to volunteer to go to jail and in return they would stop harassing the unions. No sooner was he imprisoned did the government continue their offensive.

Comrade Dan Byung-ho was sentenced to two years in jail for his organising national strikes. There have been solidarity demonstrations in more than 30 countries demanding the release of Dan and his fellow comrades. 27 June this year was marked as the international day of action for the release of Korean trade unionists by the International Metalworkers Federation (IMF), an international organising metal workers. The IMF and KCTU has called on all those who support their struggles to put the pressure on the Korean state.

One form is to send emails to the president demanding the release of the trade unionists. We need to question the role of the International Metalworkers Federation and the ICFTU. If they were really serious aout the release of the Korean unionists, they would have organised international solidarity strikes. This would have quickly led to the release of the leaders. The results of international solidarity has led to the release of two trade union leaders so far. The two released are the president of the Korean Daewoo autoworkers union, Illsup Kim and vice president Sunggap Kim. The two were arrested for their involvement in the Daewoo strike in February last and had been on the run until February this year when they were finally captured. The two were sentenced to 5 years in prison and have been released after serving a few months.

The struggle to free unionists in Korea continues. Activists all over the world kept up the pressure to have Dan and other trade unionists released through the Presidential Pardon on the 15 August 2002. 15 August is the Liberation Day in South Korea and it is the norm that this day is celebrated through release of certain prisoners by Presidential pardon. Activists had hoped that although the unionists are serving sentences it would be possible to have them released on the day to join the Korean working class struggles again. Unfortunately, this did not happen and there is a need for the international working class to intensify political pressure on the state and economic pressure on the capitalist monopolies. The international working class movement is urged to increase the pressure leading up to the Liberation Day. Messages of solidarity may be sent to inter@kctu.org

The Korean working class is not at peace. There has been a rapid increase in industrial actions in the last two years. The two Korean federations, KCTU and KFTU threatened strikes against privatisation of state enterprises, threatening to disrupt the World Cup. These federations sold out on this fight capitulating to appeals for "unity" during the world cup and signing industrial peace deals. Nevertheless the workers still went ahead and embark on industrial actions during this time. The World Cup peace deal has changed the situation that was to come. Last year there were serious battles by the workers and this year was expected to be worse (if not for the World Cup deal). Nevertheless industrial disputes increased in the first half of this year as compared to last year due to the militancy of the Korean workers.

Daewoo Heavy Industries and Construction Co. have seen one of the fiercest strikes of this year. It lost 45 days and more than 350 billion Won in production. This strike has affected other sectors of the economy and imports as Daewoo could not deliver orders. According to the Korean Employers Federation, the number of firms affected by the strikes this year has increased by 78.5% as compared to last year at this time. The number of strikers more than doubled to 70, 398 from 33, 432 last year. Noticeable is the fall in disputes settled, from 71.9% last year to 63.8% this year. In July about 77 domestic firms were caught up with strikes while it was only 35 last year at this time.

The strikes had been expected to increase during July/August period as bargaining takes place at this time. Besides bargaining for the increases and improving working conditions, the Korean working class is faced with a number of issues that it is fighting for at the moment. There is a fight against privatisation which has not been resolved yet. There is also a fight for a 40-hour working week.

There is a fight for the recognition of two public sector unions. Also there is a fight against government's policy towards foreign workers. Currently the government has proposed to increase the number of foreign workers as trainees by about 20 000, allowing for overall standards to fall as foreign workers are without any protection. This policy has got the tendency to get employers to utilise these cheap foreign workers at the expense of the locals. Unions are objecting to this and putting forward a proposal of "employment licensing system". The union leadership have a nationalist position, which is divisive - they should be demanding the scapping of all laws that discriminate against foreign workers. In other words, they should be demanding that all workers have the same rights.

The Korean government is under tremendous political pressure. There are presidential elections coming on the 19/12/2002. Contesting on the elections will be a former labor activist, Kwon Young-ghil, of Democratic Liberal Party (DLP). Mr. Kwon is said to be seeking an alliance with the KCTU and KFTU who are commanding the majority support of the Korean working class. His policies are social democratic. He is critical of the government's embracement of IMF and World Bank policies. Already his party has beaten United Liberal Democrats by 1.34milion votes over 1.07million votes in the recent local government elections held in June this year.This is not the working class party and is sure to betray the workers.

The Korean working class needs an independent revolutionary working class party which will form part of the rebuilding of the Fourth International. The independent revolutionary working class will be independent from the bosses and imperialism and will fight under the programme of the working class. Instead of co-managing capitalism with the bosses parties, it will fight to destroy capitalism and replace it with Socialism.

The Korean working class is one of the most vibrant currently. But it needs to be warned that without the revolutionary party in leadership of their struggles, they will not go any further. We have a similar experience here in South Africa where the working class gains during apartheid are rapidly eroded by the ANC/SACP/COSATU government while the working class is still waiting for better.

On the brutal massacre of 5 petrol attendants
in Grassy Park

The capitalist press changed their tune after it was discovered that a policeman was responsible for the massacre of the 5 petrol attendants in Grassy Park in July. At first there was a picture of outrage at the killing. When the policeman handed himself over for the murder, the press became more sympathetic.

Ag shame, the man was suffering from stress! Some of the media even ran articles on the high ‘stress’ levels in the police force. Soon the whole matter was swept under the carpet and life goes on. Much fuss is made when a bourgeois-type like Marike de Klerk is killed but the lives of the 5 workers leaves the capitalist press cold! No calls for investigation into how such an incident could happen. The policeman was unstable and had his firearm taken away from him but allowed to keep his private weapon [with which he carried out the attack]. We, in this article, look into the events and uncover the system that causes such massacres to happen.

Firstly, what is the real role of the police? When there are rapes and attacks by thugs on the working class, the police are nowhere to be seen. But if there is the slightest break-in at a big business, or an eviction from a bank-owned house or a report of workers occupying a government office or blocking the entrance of a business, etc, then the police are there in a flash. There is also a special police unit for crushing workers’ revolts – these are the so-called special reaction unit.

These are the most cold-blooded, fascistic types that are taken on for this unit. When the capitalist property or persons are threatened, the police are trained to shoot to kill. Prospective policemen are interviewed in advance to see if they have the particular anti-social characteristics for the job, and they receive special training to reinforce the ability to shoot to kill in the service of the capitalists. In short, the police are all trained killers and psychological instability is part of their general make-up! If the capitalist media had gone on a sustained campaign to uncover the root cause of the killing of the attendants, the widespread psychological instability of the police would have been uncovered. They would never expose or weaken the tool of suppression and repression of the capitalist class.

The existence of the ICD [The Independent Complaints Directorate] – a body of the police supposed to investigate the excesses of the police themselves, has done nothing to change the class role of brutality of the police against the working class. How many policemen have been charged and prosecuted because of the ICD? Not one! The police are a law unto themselves. The capitalist class, their courts and ‘justice’ system gives the police free rein to terrorise the working class.

The oil company [Shell] woke up very late to provide security guards for the workers. The security is only for one petrol station and is meaningless. All oil companies are to be blamed for the poor protection of the attendants. The security system shows that their only real concern is for the cash takings and for their capital. They do not care for the lives of workers. Workers should demand that oil companies provide 24-hour protection for attendants. In fact, if workers are confronted by thugs they should just hand over the cash takings.

The workers’ life is more important than the cash of the bosses. But the question remains: who can protect workers from unstable policemen? Other security guards? Certainly not.

The whole incident has been written off as just the isolated act of one deranged [mad] policeman but the entire capitalist system stands to be blamed for creating a killing machine!

Not satisfied with the repressive role of the police, the Cape City Council, the local representatives of the big bosses, have created the City police [the penguins]. Here is a new brand of unaccountable, arrogant police, much worse than the police themselves. It seems that their sole task is to harass the working class and fellow poor directly! Many of the City police are assisting in evictions and other attacks against the working class. The Los Angeles police trains the City Police.

Other police from Britain and the USA have been involved in training the repressive forces of South Africa. The US military has even had joint training exercises with the SA navy. If we look at the track record of the military and the police in the USA and Britain, with the massacres of the innocent in Afghanistan and the beatings in the USA of the poor, to the frame-ups against activists, it is not surprising that the police here as a whole are more brutal day by day. Imperialism needs their assets to be protected locally and they will go to any extent to ensure this.

The way forward
Only the working class can ensure security for the working class. We need to give serious thought to the creation of armed workers’ militias to defend workers. Workers should demand that oil companies provide 24-hour security to protect the lives of the attendants. But complete security can only be achieved when the capitalist system is overthrown, and all its repressive arms, such as the police are disbanded. For this to be achieved, we need the working class to become more politically active. The task of building a revolutionary working class party is our main political task in advancing the struggle to Socialism! None but the working class can free society from capitalist brutality!

We condemn the Gaza City massacre of Tuesday 23/07/02

Workers International Vanguard League condemns in the strongest possible terms the massacre of Tuesday 23/07/02 in Gaza City by Israeli forces. At least 15 people were killed and scores injured when the US-made F16 jet bombed a residential building. The dead included 9 children and the leader of Hamas armed wing. The imperialist forces and principally US monopoly capital and their state must take political responsibility for this massacre. They and the capitalist media have always criticised resistance from the working class as being the ‘ends justifies the means’ and undemocratic. Yet they reserve for themselves the right to execute at will to justify their supreme domination of the world. This is hypocrisy of the highest order. They are saying that all forms of terrorism are unjustified except if imperialism and its forces perpetrate this. This is the essence of monopoly capital’s ‘war on terrorism’.

This inhuman act comes hard on the heels of the United Nations decision to extend blanket amnesty to any US military force acting anywhere in the world. This decision shows the true role of the United Nations. The security council decision was unanimous, which shows that the real role of the UN is to ensure the complete subjugation of the world working classes to the forces of imperialism /monopoly capital. Massacre after massacre occurs in Palestine and the UN sits with folded arms! The logical result of the World Court’s refusal to try Sharon has directly led to more and more massacres. This latest massacre lies fully at the doors of the World Court and the UN.

They have blood on their hands. This exposes the fallacy of calling for UN troops to enter the area to secure ‘peace’. Such troops would only be extensions of world imperialism and would in no way defend the interests of the Palestinian people.

Through the killing of the innocent, the Israeli state, US imperialism and the UN show contempt for the lives of the poor and the working class in general. In all wars waged by the capitalists, they use the working class and the poor as cannon fodder. Although we strongly disagree with the methods and aims of the Hamas, we condemn the execution of their military leader by the Israeli state. This execution is to fan the flames of inter-religious rivalry and to divert attention away from the real enemy – US and world imperialism-capitalism. It is for the working class to deal with the Hamas leadership and their anti-worker methods. The working class and fellow poor should have no part of the quarrel between the Hamas and the Israeli state. Indeed we should turn our anger against both forces. The Hamas forces are misguided in that they indiscriminately target the innocent, including workers and the poor, in the suicide bombings. Nationalist forces of the Hamas or those of Zionism are but different sides of the same coin.

The Hamas rides on the back of the aspirations of the Palestinians, but for middle class interests. Hamas would accept capitalist interests on condition they accept the rule of an Islamic government. Zionism is the reactionary force of world imperialism in the Middle East.

We call on working class forces everywhere, the American working class, the British working class, the Jewish and Arab working class, indeed all workers and fellow poor to unite against the Zionist reaction- the Israeli state, US and world imperialism and against the ways and methods of Hamas. Forward to the building of revolutionary working class parties across the globe as part of the rebuilding of the Fourth International. Forward to Socialism!


Issued by on 28.07.02

Although WIVL is in no way linked to The Support Forum for Conscientious Objectors, and we probably disagree on several things but we publish their appeal as we support Jewish-Arab working class unity against imperialism-capitalism in general and against US imperialism and Zionist fascism in particular.

For our positions in the struggle in Palestine, we refer the reader to our previous issues, copies of which we would be only too happy to send on request.
The Forum can be reached at matzpoon@yahoo.com 051-596492

Conscientious Objector Yoni Yehezkel, 19, was sentenced on August 8 to 14 days in military prison.
Dear friends,

Conscientious Objector Yoni Yehezkel, 19, member of The Forum for Support of Conscientious Objectors, reported to the army on August 8 but refused to be conscripted. He was sentenced to 14 days in Prison # 4.
Before reporting to the army Yoni left a statement with the Forum members saying:
"I believe that war in general, and the present war between Israel and the Palestinians in particular, is a tool in the hands of the ruling powers. They use this tool to turn the oppressed against each other and divert their attention from those who are really keeping them down. As a socialist who seeks the abolition of class distinctions, I cannot participate in the oppression of the weak for the sake of the strong. I cannot take part in a struggle whose basic outcome is a larger gap between the classes and the creation of an inferior, weak, oppressed class on both of sides of the conflict.
"I call on the young people of Israel who are about to be drafted to weigh carefully their induction into the army. As a conscientious objector, I call on other refusers, who are avoiding the army by any means they can, to organize and act together in a framework that suits them, as I do in the Forum for Support of Conscientious Objectors."
What can you do? Send letters of encouragement! Publicize Yoni's letter! Letters should be sent to:
Yoni Yehezkel c/o The Forum for Support of Cos POB 41199, Jaffa 61411, Israel
We also urge you to send letters of protest to:
Mr. Binyamin Ben Eliezer
Minister of Defense
Ministry of Defense
37 Kaplan St.
Tel Aviv 61909
Israel
e-mail: pniot@mod.gov.il Or: sar@mod.gov.il Fax: 972-3-696-27-57

Other Forum News: These days, Forum members are distributing thousands of flyers to youngsters titled: "Just Say No". People who wish to join our distribution team, or receive copies, should contact them, For articles on the Forum activities and COs in general, see also: www.hanitzotz.com/challenge

LETTER TO THE EDITOR

The ANC have succeeded to mislead the nation –
“A sellout and false freedom”


People must not be fooled by the corrupt leadership to believe that only the votes can change their lives. The ANC is very ‘sympathetic’ about the deprived, poor and barefooted people but nevertheless has done nothing to change their conditions. As it always is making a noise as the only organization in South Africa which is representing and cares about the majority of the poor.

It is not surprising it flows too from the childish arrogance of the ANC and SACP that they are the only liberation force in the country, and that every other force must be bullied into submission, wiped out, or ignored. But in a way the ANC is engaged in a war against the other liberation movements. It also got its comeuppance in its war with Inkatha. The ANC is equally responsible for that war as Inkatha. No liberation movement worth its salt would ever find itself in a situation where it is killing its own people in its thousands. The ANC would have known that such a war can only benefit the colonialists. Its much vaunted Umkhonto we Sizwe has not killed one white soldier, yet it has been engaged in a war against Africa people. In its own ranks it has a history of torture, persecution and brutality.

What we are witnessing today is the ruthless protection of white and few African elite capitalists interests, in the name of non-racial democracy. This concept of non-racial democracy must be rejected. Instead it must be an anti-racism based on an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist content. The ANC and SACP including Cosatu are more accurate to speak of the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggle since they go to the heart of the nature of oppression in the country. But these are words that the ANC and that supremely counter-revolutionary organization SACP dare not use. It will be giving the game away.

The SACP can congratulate itself on achieving at this juncture of events what it always set out to achieve, the integration of the working class into the white capitalistic system of privileges. In the past this SACP did everything to sabotage any meaningful revolutionary struggle, always attempting to ensure that whenever there was a revolutionary upsurge that threatened to overthrow the existing order, that it put itself at the head of it in the name of mass action, mass mobilisation, and then derailed it. As a result this non-racial democracy that represent the interests of the imperialist capitalistic system is the name of the game under this ANC/SACP government.

The South African people are supposed to be on the brink of the bright future, about which they had been dreaming for centuries. But instead of optimism and cheerfulness in their strides, everywhere there is despair and doubt about that future. In their hearths and homes people do not talk about a new future opening up for them. There are no celebrations about the victorious struggle for freedom. If elections do take place, even a in a month’s time, they will merely come and go as another incident in their lives. Some fanfare might be drummed up to excite the people but there would not be any sincere emotional warmth.

Sizwe Matthews Mgqeba
Site C, Khayelitsha

Editorial Comment
We thank you for your letter. Indeed the working class and fellow poor in South Africa is justified in feeling betrayed by the ANC and SACP. Your letter captures what is on the minds of many, many people. We would like to engage you on the points in your letter.

You clearly reveal the class role that the ANC and SACP play and continue to play. On the war with the ‘liberation’ movements and on the war with Inkatha, however, we have a different view. We are not aware of any war that the ANC waged on any of the other ‘liberation’ movements. Further on what you say was the war with Inkatha we need to ask ourselves who was really behind the war and who benefited?

You clearly state that the colonialists gained out of this, but much more was happening: Inkatha was promoted by the state and received funding from it. In 1988, after a long period of the killings of the people, the ongoing state funding of the Inkatha killing machine was revealed. Remember, for years, the IFP played the role of a Bantustan authority. It gained support through force: through making IFP membership a condition for acceptance into schools; many jobs in Natal, mainly in the state, could only be had if one had an IFP affiliation. Big capital, both local and foreign, funded the IFP. The exact amounts and full donors list still need to be revealed [despite the TRC process – or should we say because the TRC process buried this information from sight].

We cannot say that the ANC is equally to be blamed in the war that the IFP waged on behalf of capital against the working class. The aim of this war by capital through its agents was to destabilize and divide the resistance of the working class. The working class, WITHOUT the help from the ANC, resisted the attacks from the IFP. To put the ANC as equally to be blamed as the IFP is to believe the propaganda of the capitalists of ‘black on black’ violence. We should remember that the capitalist exploits tribalism or any minor difference to divide the working class.

But what was the role of the ANC? The ANC used the working class, through their influence in Cosatu, to get themselves into government. Make no mistake the ANC is not anti-capitalist. Its whole so-called armed struggle was not to overthrow the capitalist state, but merely to pressurise them so that the ANC elite could get a share of the spoils. If the ANC was really pro-working class, they would have gone all out to win over the IFP supporters in the working class, they would have gone flat out to win over the white workers who had been co-opted by capital through various means.

So, yes, the aim of the ANC was not to defeat the armed forces of the state but merely exert enough pressure to enable the ANC to be accepted into the seats of power. This is why the ‘guerrilla’ struggle was a misguided one. How could a handful of guerrillas defeat the state? From 1990 up to date, the ANC has propped up the legitimacy of the IFP, allowing them to jointly rule the country. Indeed, what unites the IFP and the ANC is that they are both pro-capitalist and willing to do the bidding of imperialism. [The giant monopolies and banks]

Against the capitalist democracy that we live in, we need to wage a struggle for a working class democracy. Our struggle is anti-capitalist in content. Because of the close-knitting of the world economy, our struggle must at the same time be international, against the system of capitalism imperialism itself. The ANC and SACP talk of the anti-colonial struggle but their actions are pro-capitalist in content. There are many nationalist movements across the world, which rode on the backs of anti-colonial struggles to raise them to be the local agent of imperialism in their respective countries.

The purpose of looking back is to draw the lessons and help map out the struggle in future. What we need to do is to build a revolutionary working class party in South Africa and in every country in the world. There is no future for us in this capitalist world. We need to mobilise the working class to fight for Socialism. Only this fight, and its successful conclusion, can raise optimism and cheerfulness into the strides of the world working class. Only then can we be truly free!

Floor Crossing or not: capitalism is undemocratic anyway!
The passing of the Parliamentary Floor Crossing Bill is just another example of the unprincipled nature of bourgeois democracy. The extreme political posturing developing within the ANC is not surprising, given the extent of it losing its traditional popularity and support among the working class. It has to seek ways of holding onto power otherwise it will lose it. The cry by the opposition parties does not at all mean that they are at least principled about it. It is just selfish protection of their own influence in the bourgeoisie parliament.

Democracy in a capitalist society is democracy as far as it protects capitalist interests. Capitalists do not hesitate to break what used to be key in its democracy (when it used to suits their interests) when it becomes necessary to do so in pursuit of their class interests. In short democracy in a capitalist society is the best way of exploiting the working class. Imagine the arrest (for “trespassing”) of residents who march to the Minister of Housing’s office to ask the government people they elected where the promised houses are. Yet the bourgeoisie still tell us that democracy is the will of the people.

The US killing machine is still killing thousands if not millions of poor working class in the name democracy although we are told that everyone has got the right to life. What gives justification to the police maintaining “law and order” by a gun? In essence all parlimentary parties have long crossed the floor to the class enemy – the capitalist class.


BEWARE OF THE SACP 2nd TIME TREACHERY
This is a wake call to the working class not to be fooled for the 2nd time by SACP. It is clear that the bourgeoisie is preparing and gearing the SACP as an alternative to the ANC for the working class. We warned of this long in our previous article drawing from the Brazillian Workers Party experience.

The capitalist media has reported on the events leading to the SACP congress and at the congress as representing a fight with the ANC (government in particular). This was started by a reports around the interview of Cronin which raised anger from the ANC. But this is not new and was a mock fight to boost Cronin as a left representative ahead of the SACP Congress. We know that there has been reports that the SACP and COSATU are opposing GEAR and privatization. Yet it is the SACP and COSATU leaders in government that are implementing these imperialist policies in this country.

The only reason these organizations and their propaganda capitalist media are presenting themselves as opponents of GEAR and privatization (and others) us to control the struggles of the working class so that it is not directed at overthrowing the capitalist (they are protecting and serving). Now that the working class has seen through the illusions of elections the COSATU leaders want to put the SACP as an alternative to the working class in order to contain the struggles of the working class. All in the service of the capitalists. The working class has seen how treacherous the SACP has been up to now. Their ministers in government has done nothing for the working class and everything for the bourgeoisie they are serving. The working class must reject the SACP completely and join up with forces to form a revolutionary vanguard party of the working class. Only the vanguard party shall lead the struggles decisively against the bourgeoisie.
DOWN WITH SA CAPITALIST PARTY DOWN!!!
HALALA BAHLALI BASE-MANDELA PARK


Siyakhahlela kubahlali baseMandela Park (Khayelitsha) ngomzabalazo wabo oqinileyo wokukhusela iimpahla nezindlu zabo kwizikrelemnqa zikarhulumente ezingooceba noonothimba. Abahlali baseMandela Park ngabanye (kwizigidi zabantu abajongene nokukhutshwa ezindlwini zabo okanye ukuthathelwa iimpahla zabo. Konke oku kwenziwa ngaphandle kwenkathalo yemeko yomntu okanye iziphumo ezibangelwa ngala manyathelo.

Konke oku kwenzelwa ukuhlawula oongxowankulu abazibhanki. Sihlaba ikhwelo kubantu bonke abahlala kwiindawo ezimiwe zizisebenzi ukuba baphakame balwe ukukhutshwa kwabantu ezindlini zabo. Urhulumente uphanzile kwelakhe icala ekwenzeni izinto ezininzi eyazizithembiso zakhe. Wohlulakele ukwakha imisebenzi, ukwenza iinkonzo zifikelele ebantwini, ukuphucula ubomi jikelele, njalo njalo. Abantu baseMandela Park mabathathe idabi labo balise kubahlali abasondelelene nabo khon’ukuze kuphakame yonke iKhayelitsha neendawo eziyingqongileyo. Eneneni lo mzabalazo mawubanjwe ngabo bonke abantu basemZantsi Afrika nehlabathi liphela. Abahlali bonke abasokolayo basemZantsi Afrika kuquka nabanye amazwe kufanele bazi ukuba iingxaki abajongana nazo ezifana nokuthathelwa izindlu nezinye zokuhlala zibangelwa yinqubo yobungxowankulu.

Inqubo yobungxowankulu ikhusela uburhulumente obulawulela abanikazi zibhanki namanye amashishini amakhulu. Okunye okufanele kuqatshelwe kukuba imeko yokuhlala yabantu ayiguqulwa ngokuphelele ngomzabalazo nje. Umzabalazo kufuneka ujoliswe ekubhukuqeni urhulumente woongxowankulu.

Oko kungenzeka ngokuthi kubekho umbutho wabasebenzi wenguqu zobusoshiyali. Nguwo kaloku oyakuthi wakhe iinkokheli ezingamaqhawe okutshabalalisa ubungxowankulu. Ukuba uyakukhumbula ngeminyaka ye-1980s umzabalazo wabahlali wawuseqondweni eliphakamileyo. Kodwa ngenxa yokungabikho kombutho onguwo olwela ukutshabalalisa ubungxowankulu loo mzabalazo usibeke kwimeko yokuba siphinde siququzelele ukulwa eza zinto sasizilwa ngoo-1980s. Makungaphinde kwehle ukuba siphulukane nezinto ebesele siziphumelele kulo mzabalazo. Masakhe umbutho wabasebenzi oyakuthi ukhokele laa madabi sijongene nawo. Ngumbutho wabasebenzi kuphela onokubangela iinguqu ezizizo ngokuthi umilisele urhulumente wabasebenzi. Urhulumente wabasebenzi kaloku yena uthatha koongxowankulu anike kubasebenzi. Akukho mntu uyakuswela okanye athathelwe indlu phantsi kobudlelandawonye.

PHANTSI NGOKUTHINJELWA KWABANTU ABANGENANTO PHANTSI
PHANTSI NGOBUNGXOWANKULU PHANTSI
PHAMBILI NGEDABI LOBUDLELANDAWONYE OHAMBILI


>> On Ngema’s racism: After some further discussion on the article that appeared in our past edition, we realised that it was incomplete and defective. In our next issue we shall publish a further comment on the matter.

 

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